General Election, November 1992  A Programme for Change and Progress  DEMOCRATIC LEFT  INTRODUCTION  The collapse of the Fianna Fail/Progressive Democrat coalition  brought an end to a government of failure. A government which  added over 70,000 people to the dole queues. A government  which lacked either the vision or the courage to tackle our social  and economic problems.  Democratic Left is Ireland's newest political party. A party  which combines radical politics with democratic action. A thorn  in the side of a smug political establishment. A beacon of hope  for the future.  Democratic Left works with people in communities all over  Ireland. We understand their problems and share their hopes and  aspirations.  In raising the problems of the people we caused problems for the  establishment. They didn't like it. Too bad. Because we'll be  back in the next Dail talking about the real issues that concern  people. Issues like jobs, housing, social welfare cuts, health,  education and the environment.  And we will continue to set the agenda for change. We stand for  an open, tolerant society, based on the equality of all citizens.  For peace and reconciliation in Northern Ireland. For a united,  democratic Europe. For a world free of wars and a Third World  free of famine.  After the election we will not be scrambling for cabinet seats.  Our priorities are houses for the homeless, jobs for the  unemployed, a just system of social welfare, a fair deal for  PAYE workers and a better education for all our children.  JOBS  As a small, open economy, Ireland is subject to international  developments - the fall in sterling the US recession, uncertainty  in the European money markets, low levels of world trade.  However, this does not mean that we are helpless in the face of  increasing levels of unemployment. It simply dictates the type of  strategies and instruments which we use to reduce  unemployment and poverty. While we must seek co-operation at  the EC and international level to combat common obstacles to  full employment, we must begin the work here and not wait for  outside agencies to bail us out.  Ending unemployment is primarily about creating viable new  jobs. The changes which are needed in order to get Irish society  back to work can be brought about if two vital ingredients can be  combined: political will and people's involvement. This in turn  requires the abandonment of the failed ideology of Thatcherism  and the adoption of an active role by the state in job creation. It  further requires the introduction of real industrial democracy  whereby people's collective intelligence can be harnessed and  developed through new and better forms of work organisation,  full disclosure of financial and corporate information, and  extensive consultation and participation in decision-making.  Any serious consideration of job creation must also extend to  consideration of the kind of tax and social welfare reform  suggested elsewhere by us. It must look at personal taxation and  income support, as well as company taxation, grants, subsidies  and other incentives.  Our objective is to harness market forces on behalf of ordinary  people - workers and consumers - and use them for the greater  good of society. This also requires social ownership, in various  forms, of many of society's resources, as an alternative to the  concentration of wealth, power and privilege in the hands of a  small elite.  Our jobs programme can be summarised as follows:  Reinvestment: Profits made in Ireland must be reinvested in  Ireland. The aim is to increase investment in job creation.  Major Projects: Extensive urban renewal is urgently needed. So  too are rapid rail, house building, major construction projects to  create new facilities for our citizens, and increases in tourism  and related services.  EC Industrial Policy: An effective EC industrial policy which  decentralises investment, industry and services is vital. It must  protect the peripheral regions and locate economic activity where  people are available for work.  New Ways of Working: Irish companies must be democratised  to give workers and consumers greater influence. There must be  new ways of working, greater accountability and increased  responsibility for everyone at work.  Local Industry: State resources must be focused on indigenous  industry. We need companies which will form a strong  industrial base with maximum local involvement and  commitment to developing the Irish economy.  Public Sector: Revitalisation of public sector companies is  required and an end to privatisation and restrictions on  investment. Appropriate support must be given to all  employment initiatives, public and private, and corrupt business  practices must be rooted out.  Community Jobs Programme: In the short term, Democratic Left  proposes a Community Jobs Programme, to be operated through  local 'Partnership Schemes' under the PESP. Such schemes  already have built-in trade union, employer and community  participation.  The Community Jobs Programme would  -create 50,000 jobs, 25,000 full-time and 25,000 part-time.  These jobs would last from three to five years and would be  confined to the public and voluntary sectors.  -involve a strong training and education element, including both  on and off the job training.  -give priority to job creation which has long-term economic  development potential, which seeks to establish new services or  improve existing services. Jobs would not be established in  competition with other services, or be used to undermine  existing or future employment in the public and voluntary  sectors.  ensure that employees would be full workers in every respect:  holiday pay, disability benefit, protective labour legislation, pay  income tax and PRSI contributions etc.  -operate at a net cost of approximately £50 million after social  welfare savings, tax revenues and EC subsidies are taken into  account. This expenditure would be financed by the re-  introduction of a strengthened Wealth Tax.  Aer Lingus: Many of the leading figures in Democratic Left are  among those who in the 1970's were largely responsible for  developing the policy of promoting state enterprise as the engine  of economic growth in Ireland.  During the decade of Reagan/Thatcher, that view became rather  unfashionable, but as the chickens come home to roost on the  failed policies of those years it is time to review the role of the  state sector. Aer Lingus, long regarded as the jewel in the public  sector crown, it is probably the most successful and valuable  Irish company, bar none, when account is taken of its social as  well as economic contribution to the state. Nowhere is this  remarkable contribution to the Irish economy better catalogued  than in "The Plane Truth", an Aer Lingus staff publication.  Now that the very survival of Aer Lingus is under threat as a  result of the prolonged recession, which has severely affected  almost all international airlines, it is entitled to our full support.  Democratic Left supports the demand that the state as sole  shareholder should provide a capital injection to reduce the  company's appalling debt/equity ratio and its annual interest bill  currently running at £58 million.  It is obvious that in the new deregulated state of European  aviation Aer Lingus needs to make an alliance with one or more  airlines to ensure that they are not completely squeezed out by  the mega-carriers. However, reducing their debt is a prerequisite  to entering meaningful negotiations and procuring the sort of  agreement that would ensure its development and expansion.  The national interest demands that we do no less.  Agriculture and Rural Development: The recent reform of the  Common Agricultural Policy has created some problems for  Irish agriculture but it has also created new opportunities. We  believe that the emphasis must now be placed on diversification  in agricultural production with crops being developed in  response to identified market needs, e.g. quality vegetables,  organic food production, industrial crops for the food  processing industry, increased afforestation in areas of poor  agricultural land and an intensification of horticultural  production.  Farm based production must also be supported by more rural  development activity to integrate social tourism, wild life  management, environmental protection and related activities  which help the rural economy. Democratic Left wants to see a  major expansion of the EC LEADER programme to stimulate a  whole range of integrated rural development schemes.  TAX AND SOCIAL WELFARE  The tax and social welfare systems must be radically reformed.  They must be harmonised with each other. At present they often  operate at cross purposes, creating poverty and unemployment  traps. They must also be made to serve our priority objectives of  job creation and income equity. At present, they don't always do  so.  This means three things:  • everyone should be in the tax system and should pay tax on all  income, whatever its source, once it exceeds a certain amount.  • the social welfare system must ensure that all individuals have  an adequate personal income, whatever their sex, marital  occupational, family or other status.  • the tax thresholds must coincide, broadly, with the minimum  income levels and PRSI must not upset the balance.  An Integrated System: Integrating tax and social welfare so as to  provide minimum incomes and remove poverty traps would  indicate a real social commitment to ending poverty, to sharing  wealth and to removing the biggest barrier to women's equality -  the absence of financial independence. It could also contribute,  in a small way, to job creation.  A system which guarantees minimum incomes would do more  than just liberate unemployed people from the present perverse  requirement that they must not work - an important objective in  itself. By providing all citizens with a basic level of financial  security it could also act as a launching pad for new economic  activity and non-traditional ventures, encouraging individual  creative activity.  Recent social welfare changes have moved the system in  completely the wrong direction - away from comprehensive  income support at adequate levels, towards more and more  means-testing and reductions in benefit levels. This year alone,  Fianna Fail minister Charlie McCreevy has cut maternity benefits  for the lowest paid women workers and stopped it for others;  reduced injury benefit from £65 to £53 per week; started means-  testing deserted wives; scrapped pay-related benefit for people  who are sick; abolished the 'alleviation payments' for men  instead of extending them to women as recommended by the  European Court of Justice, and discouraged the unemployed  from taking up any casual work that might be available (by  reducing their dole even for days not worked).  What is this victimisation supposed to achieve ? A greater  incentive to work - despite the lack of jobs ? A greater incentive  to emigrate ? Or descent into ever greater despair ? It certainly  will not save money.  Long Range Accounting: Democratic Left has major criticisms of  the present national accounting methods. They should be  reviewed, restructured and required to take into account the full,  true cost of unemployment and poverty in our society. Social  welfare expenditure, for example, must be examined in the  context of the health, housing, policing, education and other  costs which are affected by high unemployment and prolonged  poverty. Keeping people in poverty, in order to keep the social  welfare budget down, isn't necessarily going to keep budgets  down in other government departments, certainly not in the long  run  All the recent cuts in social welfare should be reversed and other  planned changes (such as giving part-time workers lower  benefits than other insured workers, or taxing certain payments)  should be reviewed carefully and perhaps halted.  Fair Tar Increases: If every citizen is to enjoy an adequate  income, more wealth must be created and more taxation raised.  If all incomes, and all forms of income, were brought into the  tax net, fairly large amounts could be raised. Corporate bodies  should also have to pay more: we believe they should be  required tax at a minimum rate of 10% - most pay far less. There  should be no question of reducing employers' PRSI, which is  often the only contribution made by certain companies towards  the Irish Exchequer and the social protection of workers in  Ireland, unless and until an adequate contribution is made  through another mechanism. An Energy Tax, geared to  encouraging conservation and creating extra jobs, could also  help raise additional monies while achieving desirable social and  environmental objectives.  Future governments face a challenge to change popular  perceptions of both the tax and social welfare systems as simply  punitive burdens, respectively, on the rich and on the poor. The  only way of doing this will be to demonstrate that taxpayers'  money is being used efficiently and effectively for a combination  of economic and social purposes with which they can positively  identify.  WOMEN  Equality for women is a priority for Democratic Left. Equality  issues are at the heart of how our society is structured and must  be a prime concern of any party committed to change and  progress.  We propose  Department for Women: A portfolio with full Cabinet status and  a realistic budget should be established to monitor and encourage  progress towards equality.  Charter of Equality Rights: A clear statement of women's rights  should be incorporated into the Constitution to redress the  present situation in which women are not recognised as equal  and independent citizens. All legislation would then be  supported constitutionally.  Employment Strategies: An analysis of the phenomenal rise in  women's unemployment over recent years is needed to underpin  an employment action plan which would include the removal of  existing discriminations against women. Economic  independence is fundamental to equality and can only be  achieved with the tax and welfare reforms which will ensure a  minimum income, and genuinely equal opportunity in the  workplace.  Legal Reforms: Existing equality legislation must be  strengthened and extended to areas such as access to goods and  services, sporting and other facilities and training and  apprenticeships.  Family Law Reform: We support the right to divorce, protection  against domestic violence and full equality of access to the law.  Education: Adult and continuing education for women must have  the funding and support services to allow women to avail of  opportunities.  Health: Cost cutting in services very often hits women first. We  need to put special measures in place to ensure that women  receive the health care they need, including the restoration of full  maternity benefits.  ENVIRONMENT  The world is facing an ecological crisis. The developed world  has abused the earth's resources; poverty and debt is forcing the  underdeveloped countries to destroy resources which are  essential to the planet's survival and to its ecological balance.  The destruction of rain forests, global warming, ozone depletion  and desertification are all manifestations of a crisis which  threatens the future of the globe. We all have a part to play in  averting it.  Protecting the environment and repairing the damage already  done requires balancing the need to use the earth's resources for  survival and our obligation to conserve and renew those  resources for future generations; balancing the distribution of  wealth between rich and poor, between the developed world and  the developing countries; balancing the social environment and  the physical environment.  People are part of the environment and their needs to survive, to  have work, to have dignity, to have a home cannot be separated  from the need to protect the environment.  National Policy: We insist that this country adopts a responsible  international position on the environment. We should be leading  the drive to save the world, not trailing behind. We must address  our own environment, putting emphasis on preventing pollution  rather than just controlling it; adopting a national waste  management plan instead of ad hoc measures, and developing  our economy on the basis of clean technology.  Devolution of Power: We want to restore people's power over  their own environment on the principle of subsidiarity. Local  government must be strengthened and reformed so that local  communities can exert real control over their own areas.  Nuclear Waste: Sellafield must be phased out. No further  expansion, especially for nuclear fuel reprocessing of  international nuclear waste, must be allowed. An all party  agreement on implementation of this objective will be a priority  for Democratic Left.  Waste and Recycling: An objective for the 90s must be an end to  all waste and sewage dumping in our watercourses and seas. All  waste must be recycled and put to good use. Our waters - a  vitally precious asset - must be protected.  HOUSING  Every person is entitled to a roof over their head. Good quality,  suitable, affordable housing for its citizens must be a primary  social objective of modern government.  Public Housing: An expanded local authority Community  Housing Initiative must aim to reduce the housing list  significantly each year and eliminate it completely by 1997. The  target must be at least 35,000 dwellings per year with a wide  range of construction forms and tenure options.  Housing Maintenance Policy: A programme must be set up to  provide the technical and financial framework for the repair and  maintenance of all housing sectors. An emergency programme is  needed to meet the accommodation needs of elderly people and  people with disabilities. This must provide a broad range of  community, sheltered and full care facilities, warden-managed  and connected by audiolink to the housing management section  of each local authority.  Mobility in public sector housing is far too restrictive. National,  regional and EC-wide mobility and exchange schemes should be  developed.  Private Housing: Full defects protection legislation is needed  for both owner-occupiers and tenant purchasers against longer-  term design and construction defects on behalf of the developer  and local authority. There must be legislation to ensure that  house and flat construction is of the highest standard and that it  complies with international standards with regard to materials  and safety.  Mortgages: The currency situation and associated sharp rise in  interest rates has created a crisis for many homeowners whose  monthly mortgage repayments have rocketed, creating a fear of  losing their homes.  As an emergency measure, there should be a restoration of full  tax relief for mortgage interest payments. For those who lose  their jobs, these reliefs should be converted to a housing  subsidy. Government intervention is needed to ensure that no  homes are lost through repossession during the current crisis.  These exorbitant interest rates must be reduced anyway because  otherwise they will cripple the entire economy. This can only be  done through a concerted European strategy which brings down  German interest rates and concentrates on promoting growth and  employment.  Tenant Rights: A Charter of Tenants' Rights covering tenure,  repair, space provision, sanitary services and fire safety in both  the public and private rented sectors is a matter of urgency.  Refurbishment: A refurbishment programme for older housing  stock, together with suitable in-fill schemes, should be set in  motion and aided by appropriate fiscal policy to enable and  encourage people to live in inner-city areas.  EDUCATION  Education is central to the democratisation of society. As the first  political party to respond to the recent Green Paper, Democratic  Left calls for a continuation of the process towards a legislative  framework for education in Ireland by the next government and  Dail.  While the Green Paper was welcome in some of its targets and  educational aims, the lack of a resource commitment and the  FF/PD government's failure to meet education commitments in  the PESP indicates that a strong campaign for free, democratic  and high quality education must be maintained.  Resourcing: Democratic Left supports:  • A plan to bring per-capita spending on education up to OECD  average levels;  • The establishment of free education up to and including third  level which requires planning now;  • An increase in capitation grants to primary and post-primary  schools and the closing of disparities between funding at  primary and other levels;  Failure to fund schools results in huge pressure both on parents  and in areas to fundraise, thus reinforcing inequality. More than  25 million is now being spent by the state on elite fee-charging  secondary schools which must be re-directed into public  education.  Participation: Inequalities in participation, most marked in  social class disparities in third level colleges must be tackled in  Irish education.  We propose:  • A gradual expansion of pre-schooling, integrated with the  primary schools ( after some 20 years there is still only one state  pre-school - Rutland St. Dublin.)  • Reduction of the compulsory schoolgoing age to 5 years, thus  reflecting current practice and ensuring greater resourcing to the  vital area of early childhood education;  • Reduction in class size to EC average levels within five years,  starting with a maximum class size of 25 in infant classes.  • An inter-Departmental taskforce to tackle all aspects of  'disadvantage';  • A guarantee of quality for parents/pupils - effective schools  must cater at a minimum for literacy/numeracy needs and  remedial teaching should be available in all schools.  • Financial support for families with students at post-compulsory  schooling and special programmes for early leavers. At present,  a Youthreach group of 25 attracts £35,000 in public funding  money which might be better spent earlier as an investment  against early leaving due to failure.  • Expansion of the grants system at 3rd level and costing of a  ‘student wage' concept;  • A statutory authority for adult education and education access  schemes for adults without formal school qualifications;  • An end to the scandal of waiting lists for places in special  education.  Democracy: The education system should be properly  accountable and democratic. We propose  • State grants to schools to be linked to regulations on access and  management.  • Democratic school boards with equal representation of interests  • School ownership be vested in the funding interests, in  proportion to their investment;  • A stronger schools inspectorate;  • An intermediate structure, similar to the VECs to oversee  education on a regional basis;  General  • Broadening of the range of competences which are assessed  since schools tend to be guided by terminal assessment systems;  • A broad curriculum for the compulsory period not omitting the  arts/humanities as well as scientific/technological education;  • An apprenticeship system which has sufficient educational  content to ensure versatile, multiskilled workers;  • Entitlement to regular (obligatory) teacher in-service training.  HEALTH  Health care should be available to all and access to care should  be based on need rather than ability to pay. Democratic Left  recognises that social factors play a major role in determining the  health of both individuals and the population as a whole. Health  policy must, therefore, address these issues as well as purely  medical issues.  • We believe that the positive promotion of health is as important  as caring for those who are ill. Democratic Left believes that  health care should be based in the community and that general  practice and other primary health care services should play a  pivotal role in the provision of health care.  Access for All: There is clear evidence that poverty,  unemployment and poor housing have an adverse effect on  health and virtually all forms of ill-health are commoner in the  unemployed and the poor. The current government has  encouraged the development of private health care by  subsidising the VHI through tax relief while making drastic  cutbacks in the public health services. The GMS Scheme must  be properly funded which, as the current dispute clearly  indicates, it is not at present, and it should be extended to the  whole population.  The current ratio of hospital consultants to junior doctors is too  low and many public patients are being dealt with by  inadequately supervised junior doctors. We believe that the  number of consultants should be increased so that the system  becomes a consultant-based service. Where waiting lists exist  there should be no distinction between public and private  patients and all should be on the same waiting list.  Community Base : The health services in Ireland are dominated  by the hospital sector and there has been chronic underfunding  of general practice and other primary care services. Democratic  Left believes that resources should be redirected into general  practice and other community services. General practice plays a  pivotal "gate keeper" role in providing access to hospital services  and, as well as improving quality of care, investment will be  cost effective.  Investment in Prevention. Democratic Left recognises that the  promotion of health is as important as the treatment of illness.  We support the provision of comprehensive health education and  appropriate screening and preventive services. However, the  most important determinants of health are poverty and  unemployment and determination to tackle these issues is vitally  important for the future health of the country.  PERSONAL SECURITY, JUSTICE AND CIVIL LIBERTIES  Policing: To provide protection from crime it is essential to have  a police service which commands wide community support and  respect, and which has the resources to carry out its duties  effectively.  Accountability at local level is an important element which can be  developed effectively, within the framework of existing Garda  organisation, through local Garda Liaison Committees,  democratically appointed and with a consultative role. There is a  need also for a Garda Authority which would remove the Garda  Siochana from immediate political influence.  Victim Support: One of the most neglected areas within the legal  system as it currently operates is that of help and support for  victims of crime. The Association for Victim Support should be  supported financially to carry out its valuable work. The powers  of the Criminal Injuries Compensation Tribunal should be fully  restored to allow it to meet more adequately the needs of crime  victims.  Civil Liberties : It is fundamental to our view of civil liberties  that freedom of the individual shall be respected and supported.  Those freedoms and rights should be based on a secular  foundation, respecting private views of morality and ensuring a  distinct separation of church and state in administrative matters.  Access to the Law: All citizens must have access to the law,  regardless of their income. The scandalous financial neglect of  the Civil Legal Aid scheme must be ended and guaranteed  funding put in place for this fundamental of democratic society.  The process of litigation must be simplified and rendered less  costly. We welcome the introduction of a Small Claims Court  and urge that it be extended at the earliest opportunity.  Law Reform: A criminal law reform division of the Law Reform  Commission should be established. The Oireachtas should be  required to address each report and set of recommendations from  the Commission within six months of publication.  Reform of the Law on Homosexuality: Ireland is in breach of  international human rights standards through its failure to  decriminalise homosexual acts between consenting adults. The  law in this regard must be amended without delay in order to end  legal discrimination against gays. The government's  prevarication on this issue, including their recent application for  a further extension is shameful and damaging to Ireland's  reputation abroad. Democratic Left will continue to pursue the  government on this issue in the new Dail and also in the  European Parliament where it has already raised the issue on  several occasions.  Prison Reform: The Whitaker Report on prison reform is a  humane and respected document, the full implementation of  which would do a great deal to solve the deplorable situation in  many prisons. A timetable for the implementation of its  recommendations should be agreed as a matter of urgency by the  incoming minister responsible.  Penal Policy: The use of non custodial penalties for non violent  crime should be the first resort. Imprisonment for civil debt and  inability to pay monetary fines should end.  THE ELDERLY  The elderly share many needs in common but they are not a one-  dimensional mass of people. Democratic Left commits itself to  an ongoing dialogue with the representative organisations  established by the elderly themselves, e.g. The Irish Association  of Older People, Active Age groups, Federation of Retired  People. We must ensure that our older people do not become  mere clients of the political process but shapers of that process.  In order to achieve this certain policies must be put into action.  Homes and Housing: To ensure that, to the greatest extent  possible and for as long as possible, older people should be able  to live in their own homes in comfort, dignity and safety. This  will require resources for renovations and adaptations, a better  home help service and aid to community activity. The standards  and costs of nursing homes must be rigorously maintained at the  best achievable target, by the state, for those who cannot remain  at home.  Health Care: Chiropody services, dental services, optical and  ophthalmic services must be geared to the special needs of the  elderly and funded and made accessible accordingly.  Transport: All public transport must be accessible to the elderly  and discriminatory exclusions must be abolished .  Income: Pensions for elderly must be increased to realistic  values and maintained in purchasing power.  Voluntary and Community Groups: There must be greater state  support for befriending and companion services for the elderly,  particularly in isolated situations in both rural and city areas.  Democratic Left is pledged to seek the implementation of the  recommendations contained in the definitive document 'The  Years Ahead'- the report of the task force on services for the  elderly.  CULTURE AND THE ARTS  The purpose of a cultural policy is to produce conditions which  encourage genuine self expression by the people of a society and  offer democratic access to a shared culture to all. It is not to  dictate the content of cultural life or the guidelines for creative  and artistic work. The arts have a crucial and critical role to play  in giving society a sense of itself, but that sense must be  informed by visions of reality, freely expressed. Thus, though  the funding of the arts is the responsibility of the state, there is  no place in democratic society for "state art".  Broadcasting Of all the cultural outlets, broadcasting has  perhaps most impact on our lives. Notwithstanding the advent of  commercial radio stations, RTE continues to play a unique role  providing necessary but unprofitable services of quality, catering  for minorities while serving the community as a whole. RTE has  the right to attract advertising without curbs, to keep licence fees  low, and to plan appropriately.  Film Despite some spectacular international successes, the Irish  film industry has been badly neglected. It is clearly time to re  establish the Film Board, create a tax-based incentive scheme  with monitoring controls, and invest in the supportive  infrastructure, including training, and the other necessary  facilities. The object is not to create an 'Irish Hollywood' but to  facilitate the cinematic expression of the Irish experience in away  which informs and entertains.  Literature Our literary heritage has been undermined by  multinational publishing control, inadequate library funding and  a growing problem of illiteracy due to educational neglect.  Policy should take account of the class character of  contemporary society, and be encouraged by democratically  controlled state bodies.  Performing Arts A National Performing Arts Authority should  be set up to develop theatre policy generally, to supervise  funding and encourage access to the performing arts with a  strong educational component. This Authority should work with  a body comprised of professionals on the model of Aosdana, but  expanded and democratically based.  Visual Arts: State support for the visual arts must link education,  the Arts council local authorities, and artists' representative  bodies. The integration of artists' studios/small factories with  housing has been successful in most European cities and more  regional arts centres are required in an overall plan of coherent  development  Music: An independent council should be set up with state funds  to advise, assist and encourage musicians in all genres. The  council should run performance centres to provide exposure for  high quality bands.  Heritage: Our heritage, both natural and built, has been savaged  for far too long by commercial interests. The unique features of  land, waterways and buildings, including those of industrial and  local as well as architectural or historic interest, must be  protected by adequate legislation.  NORTHERN IRELAND  This election takes place at a time when the Inter- Party talks on  the future of Northern Ireland have come to a temporary halt.  Twenty-three years have passed since British troops arrived on  the streets of Belfast and Derry and more than 3,000 people have  lost their lives while tens of thousands have suffered severe  physical and psychological damage. At the same time the society  in the north faces severe economic and social problems with the  highest rate of unemployment of any region in the UK and the  worst rates of long-term and youth unemployment.  Realistic and Magnanimous Policy: The negotiators from the  Official Unionist Party had gone a considerable way to accepting  the need for new structures of partnership government in  Northern Ireland plus the need for real institutions of North-  South co-operation. Parties in this state should have responded  with more magnanimity than our negotiators displayed. Articles  2 and 3 are perceived by northern Unionists as an offensive and  undemocratic refusal of their national identity. De Valera's  nationalism has nothing to offer the Catholic population of  Northern Ireland.  Their identity and rights can best be effectively ensured through  structures of government in which their political representatives  participate. It would be much easier to build these structures if  parties like Fianna Fail and the SDLP dropped their continuing  emphasis on the need for some grander 32-county 'solution'.  Any settlement in Northern Ireland will entail the agreement of  the government of this state and new and imaginative forms of  co-operation between the two states are more necessary than  ever in a common European context.  Non-sectarian Commitment: We should stop participating in the  structures of the Anglo-Irish Agreement as defenders solely of  the interests of northern Catholics. This is a sectarian approach  and only confirms unionist suspicions of north-south links. Our  commitment should be to neither Catholic or Protestant but to  doing all that we can to foster peace and a democratic political  culture. The people of Northern Ireland must decide their own  future democratically, free from coercion.  Articles 2 and 3: An aspiration to unity by consent should  replace Articles 2 and 3 in the constitution.  New Channels: New forums of co-operation between the two  states on this island should be developed in a European context.  Devolution: Substantial powers should be given to democratic  institutions within Northern Ireland  A Bill of Rights: Fundamental rights and liberties guaranteed  them within the law should be codified in a single document.  Job Creation:: A plan must be devised to deal with the task of  economic and social reconstruction throughout Northern Ireland.  The 'Social Europe' dimension of the EC provides an important  context for such reconstruction.  Integrated Education:: A unified and integrated education system  must be developed and supported.  EUROPE  As a European party and part of the United Left Group in the  European Parliament, Democratic Left is working with other  European socialists to build a better Europe for all EC citizens  and to close the huge gap in living standards between Irish  citizens and most of our European counterparts.  Incomes in Ireland, per person, are only 63% of the EC average.  the gap has narrowed by only 2% since we joined in 1973.  Why? Partly because of internal economic problems but also  because of the sheer strength of market forces which pull jobs  and profits to the centre of what is now a European economy.  • Left to themselves these market forces can only accentuate the  main economic divisions and conflicts of our time:  • Division within our country of class, gender and unequal  access to employment and educational opportunities:  • The global North-South divide which can only be overcome by  responsible, concerted action at European level to stop the  economic exploitation of poorer countries:  • The world-wide conflict between unfettered production and  ecological preservation which can only be resolved by  internationally co-ordinated action.  • The cyclical crises generated by international market forces  which result in periodic recessions and large-scale  unemployment and for which no effective controlling or even  moderating mechanisms have yet been devised.  To address these inequalities we want:  Strong EC industrial policy. We must reduce subsidies and  incentives to industry at the centre of the European market and  increase them to industry at the edges. Our aim is to bring jobs  to people in Ireland rather than keep bringing people from  Ireland to jobs at the centre.  At 1.15% of Europe's GNP, the EC's 1992 budget is  apathetically inadequate basis for a real 'People's Europe'. But  simply increasing structural funding is not enough either. A  range of far-reaching social, industrial and economic changes are  needed if the poorer regions, such as Ireland, are to become full  and equal partners at every level.  Social Charter: This must become a reality rather than a mere  pious aspiration. In particular, it will contribute to a  strengthening and broadening of EC equality law, which has  been a valuable weapon in the struggle of Irish women for equal  treatment in all spheres of live.  Co-operation: In the European Parliament we are well placed to  learn from and work with the many European Socialists,  Greens, and other progressive people who are seeking to end  global North-South divisions and the world-wide destruction of  the environment by uncontrolled market forces. We are  committed to joining with others of like mind to harness  economic capacity, national and global, in the interests of those  who have traditionally been weakest and have benefited least.  This means action together with, and on behalf of, the  unemployed and underprivileged, especially at the margins of  the European economy; the women and young people who tend  to be at the fringes of the labour market; the pensioners and other  people who are no longer in the labour market.  This also means democratising industry and increasing workers'  ownership as well as control over vital economic resources and  introducing democracy, equality and social responsibility into  the world economic order, to achieve a better North-South  global balance and world-wide ecological sanity.  DEVELOPING COUNTRIES  The recent catastrophe in Somalia (resulting from the combined  effect of fractured civil society and famine) has illustrated once  again the continuing anguish experienced by the people of the  Third World. The structural injustice of global economic  relations is reflected in the absurd reality that the resources  flowing from developing countries to the richer nations  (primarily interest payments on debt) exceed resources flowing  the other way (aid etc.).  Ireland's expressions of concern about the dehumanisation of  the world's poor at UN and EC level ring hollow in view of the  savage cuts in official development assistance since 1987 under  Fianna Fail and the PDs which has left us, in proportionate  terms, at the bottom of the OECD league table.  Furthermore, Ireland's membership fee for international  agencies (UN, FAO, WHO etc.) are a 'first charge' on the  meagre aid budget which means that the core bilateral aid  programme has been disproportionately eroded to a mere 10  million in 1992.  Democratic Left, in the next Dail, will work energetically  towards the following objectives:  Immediate Restoration of the Aid Budget We want to see it at the  1987 value, i.e. 0.25% of GNP and achievement of the UN  target of 0.7% of GNP within 7 years.  Restructuring the channels of administration of the Bilateral Aid  Programme must be improved to utilise Irish expertise more  effectively and reduce agency proliferation.  Accountability Public funds going to world bank and  international agencies must be closely monitored.