Making Ireland Work  A Two-Part Programme  To Put Justice Into Economics & Trust Into Politics  Justice Into Economics  Ireland deserves a fresh start.  It must be about putting justice back into economics, and trust  back into politics-about making Ireland work again.  There are many constraints. To use the language of the recent  American election, "tax and spend" policies will not solve our  problems now. But "trickle-down economics"-the politics of  greed and indifference-is dead.  Trickle-down economics is a set of policies which is based on  the belief that removing economic and social controls on free  market forces will eventually benefit even the most defenceless  and vulnerable. This is the approach which has motivated Fianna  Fail and the Progressive Democrats, supported for most of the  time by Fine Gael, since 1987. It has been a betrayal of people.  We need a new vision.  We need to tap into the spirit, the energy, the imagination, the  dynamism, and the co-operative spirit, that exists in abundance  in our community. Politicians need to grow up, and to face  challenges with the same maturity the people show.  There is one issue within Ireland, and one above all, which  demands the highest priority from the entire political system, and  indeed from the whole community.  That issue is unemployment-and its counterpart, the creation  fifteen of employment.  Unemployment is at the heart of our social problems. It is at the  heart of the grinding poverty that too many families have to  endure. It is at the heart of inequality. It is eating into the heart of  our people. Above all, it is robbing thousands of hope.  That's why the whole of this document is devoted to putting  justice back into the economy.  But it's not the only issue. The people of Ireland are ready.  Ready to respond to a new vision. Ready to re-discover that  caring for each other, high standards of service, profit based on  ethical behaviour, honesty and openness in public life, can be  compatible. Ready to find a new sense of purpose, even of  excitement, in rebuilding our society.  The second part of our programme, dealing with that issue- the  issue of trust in politics-will be published separately.  Bringing back hope is the principal objective of our programme.  It doesn't promise easy solutions, or contain easy promises. It is  not based on any entrenched positions, or hostility towards any  contributing sector of the economy. But it is firmly anchored in  human values.  It's about the public and private sectors working together; about  the freedom of individuals to use the market place to exercise  choices; about rebuilding a mixed economy where rights are  respected and given expression.  What we are doing is setting goals-goals for ourselves, and for  Ireland.  The mandate we are seeking is a mandate for fundamental  change, to put the values which have made Ireland respected  throughout the world back on our own agenda.  We are asking the people to vote for a fresh start. Ireland works  best when it works together. Let's work together-and make  Ireland work again.  Dick Spring  Party Leader, The Labour Party  Putting Justice into Economics: The Role of Borrowing  Ireland voted freely and overwhelmingly for the Maastricht  Treaty. That Treaty sets parameters for future borrowing, and  targets towards which we must aim. We have yet to reach all of  those targets -but we are moving in the right direction, unlike,  for example, Germany and the United tied Kingdom.  We have a heavy national debt already. No prudent  Government, with the long -term interests of its people at heart,  would set out to increase that debt by borrowing recklessly to  finance day-to day spending.  These are important constraints. They cannot be ignored.  The President of the European Commission, among others, has  advocated a massive re-investment programme for Europe-a  programme which is essential if Europe is to come to grips with  unemployment, and reap the benefit of economic growth.  As part of that approach, it has already been pro posed, and is  under consideration by the Commission, that borrowing for  infrastructural development should be exempt from the overall  target parameters.  And there is a wide range of areas of productive infrastructural  development where careful and prudent borrowing, capable of  producing an economic return over time, is entirely justified.  In addition, the European Commission will itself support  projects, on a matching basis, for which we will have to supply  the domestic investment (including some of those listed below).  There have been too many instances where Ireland has failed to  draw on this support, simply because we were unwilling to  make the investment necessary to attract the matching funds.  In short, the stale and orthodox approach of the last few years,  which condemned many good projects to oblivion or, at best  long delays, will have to end.  There is a place for careful borrowing to finance investment in  an economy which has a strong credit rating, whose basic  attributes are sound, but where there is a lot of rebuilding to be  done. Such borrowing can and must be undertaken in such a  way as to enable the debt/GNP ratio to continue to fall, and will  therefore be dependent on growth and additional activity.  A new and prudent approach would enable work to begin now  on a host of essential projects, and would create thousands of  jobs in the process- all of them priorities for Labour, including  the following:  Light Rail for Dublin  The Tallaght Regional Hospital  National Sports Facilities-a Stadium, and a Swimming pool  Our deteriorating county roads, and the national primary  network  Investment in access transport by sea and air  Further upgrading of our telecommunications systems  Tourism projects at regional level  In addition, Labour is proposing that projects planned for  inclusion in the public capital programme over the next three  years should be brought forward at an ever accelerating pace.  Schools, health and community centre projects, training centres,  and capital investment in facilities for people with a mental  handicap must be brought forward, and delays eliminated.  A number of commercial semi-state companies- Aer Lingus  and Bord na Mona are two examples -cannot undertake  commercially sound investment because of the state of their  balance sheets.  The Labour Party would put equity in to strengthen their balance  sheets, to free their potential for producing substantial new  employment through profitable investment.  This restructuring of balance sheets would not affect the  achievement of the debt criteria set by Maastricht, as the semi-  state borrowing is already Government guaranteed.  Finally, Labour is proposing a substantial public housing  programme, dealt with in more detail later. Significant funding  for such a programme could come from diverting money away  from the subsidies paid to private landlords for inadequate rented  accomodation for the homeless- £20 million this year alone by  the Eastern Health Board, for example.  Putting Justice into Economics: Monetary Policy and Interest  Rates  Irish interest rates are far too high. They inhibit investment, they  damage otherwise sound businesses, they make housing  unaffordable, they create hardship in families.  They must be brought down. Labour has advocated, and will  continue to pursue, the right mix of policies to achieve that goal.  Our target is to get them below 10% in the short term.  Clearly, the key issue in terms of European politics is a  reduction in German interest rates. Ireland must take a lead in  persuading other countries in Europe that this is the number one  European priority. With its unique standing in the largest group  in the European Parliament, and in the Confederation of Socialist  Parties in Europe, Labour is particularly well-positioned to forge  alliances with other parties, in Government and in opposition, in  other countries towards that end.  At home, several policy changes are urgently needed:  • The right mix between domestic and foreign borrowing, and  the right mix of currencies in which such foreign borrowing is  undertaken, would greatly ease the pressure on our currency and  reduce the need for higher interest rates. The mechanisms are in  place to change the composition of our borrowing virtually at a  moment's notice-we need to use those mechanisms far more  effectively that we are doing.  • Even in the absence of exchange controls, the Central Bank has  many powers available to it to curb the export of money for  speculative purposes. Those powers, if used rigorously, would  make speculation against the currency far less attractive.  • The Governor of the Central Bank pointed out recently that the  rash of currency speculation, although it made millions for a  few, generated no worthwhile economic activity within the  economy. If taxation policy were geared toward securing a tax  yield from such speculative profits, it would act as a  considerable dicincentive for such damaging speculation.  In the short term, the impact of interest rates on families must be  eased. Recently the government allocated a sum of fifty million  pounds to help businesses affected by the sterling crisis. It was  done with the approval of the Dail, and without breaching  borrowing targets.  • Families must be helped in the same way.  We advocate an increase in the amount of mortgage interest that  can be claimed as tax relief, to 100% of £5,000 in the case of a  couple, and 100% of £2,500 in the case of a single mortgage-  payer. We propose that this increase should last until the recent  3% increase in mortgage interest rates has been fully reversed.  Puffing Justice into Economics: The Contribution of Social  Partnership  The role of Social Partnership has been under-valued. It has not  been a challenging process. It has not drawn in the unemployed,  the agencies who cope with poverty, the wider public.  Too often, the image of "social partnership" that is conjured up  in the public mind is a picture of powerful people, meeting in  private to solve pay disputes and little else. It is not an accurate  image, but it has inhibited the concept of social partner ship from  playing the role it could play.  In short, we have a good model in place. But it has failed to  build the solidarity necessary in the community.  We need to strengthen and deepen the model, to make it  inclusive, and to set it the most challenging targets.  That's why Labour proposes the establishment of  THE NATIONAL ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL FORUM.  The NESF we propose would be far more inclusive, far more  independent, and would have Government as an equal partner.  It would have the following key ingredients, missing from all  previous applications of the model, and essential to enable the  FORUM to function dynamically as a consensus-building  apparatus:  It would be inclusive. The existing Social Partners would be  represented, and so would the Oireachtas, women, organisations  representing the unemployed, agencies engaged in social  analysis, and others. Government would be a full partner.  The FORUM would have an independent Chairperson, a  permanent secretariat, and a budget to enable it to commission  independent research.  • It would meet in plenary session in public, and engage in  searching analysis and debate in preparing its reports.  • Except where confidentiality is necessary, as in the case of  certain aspects of the Budget, all major Government policy  proposals (including Green Papers) on economic and social  policy would be submitted in the first instance to the FORUM  for its consideration.  The FORUM that we envisage would be a lively, participative,  challenging and influential process. It's terms of reference  would not be confined to the issue of unemployment, but would  cover a wide range of economic and social activity.  But it would have a special target in relation to unemployment.  The FORUM should be set the challenge of addressing the  policy issues, and building the national consensus, around the  target of a reduction in the Live Register of 125,000 throughout  the decade.  Achievement of such an ambitious target will require a range of  economic, fiscal, industrial policy, and labour market  interventions.  Above all it will require a dedicated sense of national purpose. A  National Forum will be a major instrument in shaping that  purpose.  Putting Justice into Economics: Industrial Policy  AT EUROPEAN LEVEL  One of the crucial instruments necessary to translate European  ideals about convergence into reality is a European industrial  policy. Labour is well placed, as a result of its alliance in  Europe, to lead a campaign for a Europe-wide assault on  unemployment.  European industrial policy in this context should not be taken to  mean the sort of discredited mandatory planning regime that  passed for industrial policy in some parts of the world in the  past. Neither does it mean the unfettered regulation of industrial  activity by industry itself.  Instead, the industrial policy that is necessary would involve a  partnership between the state and industry, where both sides  recognise and understand the role of the other.  The role of European industry in this model is to take advantage  of an environment which encourages growth and investment to  develop its competitiveness, to lead the world in research and  development, and to produce and deliver goods and services of  the highest quality, using production methods which preserve  rather than threaten the environment.  The role of the state (and in the European context "the state" is  that unique mix of national Governments and the European  institutions) is to ensure that the requirements of society are met,  by encouraging the development of an industrial base which will  promote and sustain employment, maintain the social system,  and enhance the quality of life of all citizens.  The model of industrial policy that would flow from these  general principles would be one based on consensus. It would  have to take account of a number of ingredients:  the development of a base of knowledge and education, together  with high standards of research and development;  a regulatory framework to ensure both efficiency and  profitability, on the one hand, and proper accountability on the  other;  a taxation framework to assist in providing incentives and in  ensuring the wise distribution of wealth created;  and the basic legislative framework to ensure that state aids and  trade policy were fair and equitable.  Above all it would have to recognise that there is disadvantage in  some parts of the Community at present, and it would have to  promote special measures to combat that disadvantage in the  interests of equality throughout the Community.  If we here in Ireland were to demand that the Europe that is  developing every day should start addressing the issue of a  European industrial policy, in addition to the other items on its  agenda, we would be doing a service for all Europeans, and  particularly for the Irish people, both South and North.  AT NATIONAL LEVEL:  Irish industrial policy must be energised, and quickly. This  election hopefully will end the bickering between members of  the Government that has disgracefully held up some of the  central recommendations of the Culliton report. We know that  the radical changes in industrial policy that are needed cannot be  achieved overnight. It will take a medium term programme to  build up a strong indigenous manufacturing sector in Ireland,  based on the concept of added value, and involving a dynamic  public sector working side by side with a competitive,  profitable, quality-conscious private sector.  But what we want to see is a political recognition now that our  industrial policy to date has been a failure, and a political  commitment to begin the process of change.  Labour believes in a major role for public enterprise; this can  find expression in stand alone situations, in joint ventures with  the private and co operative sectors, and in other forms of co-  operation where risks are shared.  State participation must not be structured so that public capital  investment in traded enterprise or in potentially commercial  situations stands exposed to most of the risks while owners of  the private capital are allowed to retain or distribute most of any  profits that may arise. In pint-venture situations, state and  private capital must be mutually reinforcing elements-sharing  in the benefits and the risks.  Enterprise in the sense of combining land, labour and capital into  industrial activity, and adding them all to skill and flair, is central  to industrial development. The economy needs more-enter prise;  public, private and co-operative.  The state, through companies and agencies, has and must retain  a significant capacity to generate and control traded enterprises  on its own. It must also be given an active developmental role in  con junction with private and foreign enterprise. There must be  adequate reward for achievement-coupled with penalties for  failure.  Finally, there must be a regulatory role which applies with equal  firmness and fairness to all enterprises public, private,  cooperative and mixed. The era of scandals must come to an end  -now.  The semi-state sector has been clouded in the last couple of years  by scandal. In the eyes of some, the scandals that affected  Greencore and Telecom enhanced the case for privatisation, and  weakened the argument for any involvement by the State in the  creation of wealth.  This is a dangerous and foolish approach. The private sector in  Ireland has not shown itself to be less in need of regulation, or  less prone to scandal. And it is clear to anyone with eyes to see  that we cannot rely exclusively on that sector to solve the jobs  crisis - history alone shows that. Furthermore, the private  sector does not even claim an explicit objective or responsibility  for job creation.  The argument that only free market forces will ensure growth  and efficiency is not universally valid either historically or in  terms of modern experience. The economies of Japan, South  Korea and Taiwan were not built on this basis over recent  decades, although they are generally based on free market  principles.  There were major elements of planning and intervention, much  state ownership of key resources, and commercial direction of  the business sector.  Putting Justice into Economics: Privatisation  Labour is opposed to the privatisation of public utilities and state  companies in the traded sector as a general principle.  The thrust of Labour's approach to industrial policy is to create  and retain value added inside Ireland, and to achieve this by a  judicious mix of private sector growth, state participation and  appropriate taxation policies.  Labour's policy is to enable state companies to grow-not to sell  them off to native or foreign individuals, institutional investors  or speculators.  Because Fianna Fail, Fine Gael and the Progressive Democrats  all subscribe in varying degrees to the notion that only the  private sector could safely be allowed create new employment,  the role of state companies as potential "national champions" has  not been taken seriously.  Yet some striking successes, such as Airmotive and later TEAM,  shows what might be possible in a discriminating and entirely  selective industrial policy.  A number of the public companies now face difficulties, largely  as a result of the neglect of policy by a government which has  had no interest in their development.  Labour is committed to the protection of these companies, and to  putting them back on a growth path.  In the case of the current difficulties in Aer Lingus, the Labour  Party will stand firmly behind the efforts of management and  workers in the company to address current problems. We  strongly believe that if additional equity is required as part of a  package of measures to revitalise a company which has made an  outstanding contribution to Ireland's development, no new  Government should be allowed to shirk that responsibility.  Putting Justice into Economics: Additional Investment  Labour is committed to securing additional investment in Irish  jobs. The approach we put forward in 1988 in "Labour's  Alternative" has been more than vindicated by the Culliton  Report.  • Labour will press for the speedy establishment of FORBAIRT,  as a separate company with the capacity to invest on a long-term  basis in the development of indigenous enterprise. It must be  organised sectorally, with regional boards overseeing  development of their areas.  • Based on a full review of the Business Expansion Scheme, to  ensure the elimination of potential abuse, we would propose two  new measures to make private sector investment in jobs more  attractive. The cost of these measures in tax foregone would be  more than compensated by the additional activity generated.  • Labour would slash Capital Gains Tax to 10% for BES  projects in manufacturing industry- provided the investment is  for five years, and related directly to manufacturing.  Alternatively, we would allow roll-over relief, provided that the  gains realised are re-invested in another similar BES project.  • Labour would raise the ceiling for BES projects from  £500,000 to £3 million.  Labours alternatives in 1988 document, has already proposed  that a number of Employee Investment Funds be established,  and that tax incentives should be available to workers to invest  savings in such Funds. The funds would be empowered to  invest only in firms or co-operatives in designated sectors of  native manufacturing industry and traded services.  The funds would be a supplementary source of capital within the  framework of policy as executed by the new State agency  responsible for the development of indigenous industry.  FORBAIRT would be empowered to bring investment options  to the attention of the Fund trustees and managers on a  continuing basis.  The establishment of such funds, which could provide many  millions of pounds of additional resources for investment,  would require a detailed legislative framework.  Putting Justice into Economics: Tax, Justice, and Incentives for  Job Creation  The single greatest priority in personal tax reform is the easing  of the tax burden on low and middle income earners, through a  sustained expansion of the standard rate band.  The target of policy, to be implemented as fast as economic  conditions allow, and consistent with the overall financial  parameters outlined in this document, should be to arrive at a  point where no single taxpayer earning £12,500 per annum, and  no married couple earning £25,000 per annum, should be  paying more than the standard rate of tax.  The level of personal allowances should be increased as a means  of reducing the tax burden on those with incomes up to average  industrial earnings.  Child Benefit should be increased to £40 per month per child.  The Government, in the person of the Minister for Social  Welfare, has already recognised Child Benefit as the most  effective weapon he has in the battle against poverty. Of course,  he hasn't done anything about it. The optimum policy is to reach  £40 per month target by the year 1996. The unemployed and  those on low incomes will benefit most from this change.  To help pay for this change, Child Dependent Allowances  should be phased out, and the adult rate of payment for  Unemployment Benefit/ Assistance should be increased, so that  together with Child Benefit increases, the unemployed with  dependants will be better off. This will remove the so-called  "Poverty Trap". At present, forty five per cent of children in  families of four or more have parents out of work. The poverty  trap they face would be helped by making child payments neutral  as to the work status of the parents.  The changes made by Government in relation to the DIRT tax  will have to be fundamentally re assessed, in light of the  postponement of the ratification of the Maastricht Treaty, and the  adverse effect on the incentive for productive investment.  Labour would propose the introduction of "green taxes"  imposed on activities that cause environmental damage. These  could be used to encourage polluters towards less damaging  methods, to pro mote energy conservation, and to fund  environmental projects.  SHORT TERM TAX MEASURES TO HELP PROMOTE  EMPLOYMENT CREATION:  We would see a number of ideas as being worth examination, as  potentially important and useful in the short term. We do not  envisage many of these ideas becoming permanent features of  the taxation system-rather we see them as a response to the  emergency that exists. The proposals include the following:  • Additional Labour Cost Relief, to encourage employers to hire  extra staff through allowing them to offset twice the increase in  payroll costs against tax liability;  • Tax credits for start-up businesses, related to the number of  employees hired, and enabling employers to generate profits to  the extent of the credit;  • Roll-over relief from Capital Gains Tax for people who sell  businesses or property, provided the profit is invested in a new  business in Ireland.  Putting Justice into Economics: Labour Market Interventions  EDUCATION-THE LONG-TERM SOLUTION  Low educational achievement is perhaps the biggest supply side  factor contributing to the expansion of long-term unemployment.  The prevention of future unemployment lies in a concentration of  resources in expanding the extent and quality of education for  the whole population, but particularly for socially disadvantaged  groups. This must begin at pre-school level for the latter. In  addition, there must be a more emphasis on second-chance  education, to enable people who are long-term unemployed to  expand the range of choices open to them.  The objective should be to raise the school leaving age to 17  years, and to increase the proportion of school leavers in third  level education.  A sustained expansion of education for vulnerable disadvantaged  children will in time reduce the flow into long-term  unemployment in the under 25 age group.  Given the chronic labour surplus which will persist until after  the year 2000, an expansion of resources in education is the key  strategy for improving the future mobility of labour market  entrants to other E.C. countries.  A National Language Training Programme should begin for all  children aged nine and upwards to include at least two European  languages other than Irish and English.  The expansion of educational services must be state-led and  funded, with an important although subsidiary role for the  market sector, particularly in language training.  The aim for the year 2000 should be a shift of resources towards  education which will improve the work options in Europe for all  school leavers. Opening up more choices to school-leavers, how  ever, should not be seen in the same light as the recent hidden  policy of encouraging as many of our school-leavers as possible  to emigrate. Language education is fundamentally important to  our future ability to compete in the European marketplace, as  well as contributing to the life skills and choices of young  people.  JOB PLACEMENT AND TRAINING  A National Job Placement and Training Scheme for the Long-  Term Unemployed is absolutely essential to reduce long-term  unemployment to approximately 25,000 over the next decade. It  should have the following features:  Targeted at the filling of any vacancy and not additional  vacancies (as in the new Employment Subsidy Scheme);  Confined to those who have been out of work for 12 months or  longer or are currently on Training/Employment Scheme having  been twelve months out of work;  Employer subsidies which are realistic: £132 pw in 1st year;  £120 pw in 2nd year; £120 pw in 3rd year; £2,500 cash grant to  employers retaining the long-term unemployed in employment  for a further minimum period of two years.  • Have an agreed quota of vacancies (25%) reserved for the  unemployed in the public and private sectors by agreement with  Employers and Unions;  • All long-term unemployed taken on under the scheme to  participate in FAS funded training where necessary;  • A national Pre-Return to Work counselling service which all  those recruited under the scheme would attend.  Funding for a scheme along these lines would qualify under the  EC Structural Funds Programme and would be largely self-  financing in the medium term.  FAS-A NATIONAL LABOUR MARKET AGENCY  Given that skills training will increase for those in work, it is  crucial that FAS retain quality training programmes for the long-  term unemployed.  By linking training with substantial job placement subsidies, the  balance of disadvantage which otherwise will increase for the  Long-term Unemployed can be tilted in their favour.  The role of FAS as the National Labour Market Agency should  be strengthened on a regional basis and employers should be  required to register with each regional office.  WORK-SHARING: LABOUR'S INITIATIVE IN IRELAND  The National Voluntary Work-Sharing Scheme we have already  published, which aims at creating 75,000 additional vacancies in  the period 1993 1995, has already received a measure of support  from both Employer and Trade Union organisations.  The Scheme is aimed at encouraging people at work, through a  combination of tax incentives and shorter working hours, to  share their jobs with people who are unemployed.  The detail of the Scheme is readily available. Eligibility, the  scope of the scheme, conditions of service, holiday and sick  leave, superannuation, promotion, overtime and other conditions  would be in line with approved existing job-sharing schemes in  the public and private sectors.  The potential of the scheme and its take-up would depend on the  degree to which government, employers and trade union  organisations would agree to promote it. To ensure a good take-  up the commitment of employers, Government and the ICTU  would be essential to bring longterm unemployment down to  25,000. The speed of progress in reaching this target would be  determined by the employment growth in the economy and  through out the European Community, but above all by the  commitment of the Social Partners.  However, for work-sharing to open a significant number of  additional vacancies and contribute to a reduction in  unemployment it is obvious that the greater the percentage of the  labour force which participates in worksharing the greater the  number of vacancies on a net basis, over and above new job  creation and job losses, which will be generated.  CURBING VOLUNTARY REDUNDANCY  The Labour Party Work Re-Organisation Scheme published in  1988 aims at reducing voluntary redundancies and countering  the cash incentive for individual employees to "sell" their jobs  when rationalisation of costs are necessary.  Approximately 40-50% of redundancies arise in situations other  than the closure of companies or reductions in the public service.  Had the Government made available the £120m.. spent in the  period 1987-1990 on so-called voluntary redundancies in the  Public Service, it is possible that employment in the Public  Service through voluntary work-sharing could be 15,000 higher  today at no extra cost. And additional vacancies would be  available each year for labour market entrants.  What we have developed in Ireland is a tax regime which gives  employers and employees a strong incentive to opt for  redundancies in the face of a downturn in revenue for either the  Government (public services) or companies in the market sector.  This is a very rigid form of response which is totally  inappropriate with high unemployment.  The Redundancy Payments Acts and related tax free treatment of  redundancy payments were introduced when unemployment was  relatively low. Redundant workers in the 1965 1975 period in  particular could expect to be reemployed in a relatively short  space of time. The average time on Unemployment Benefit  increased substantially in the 198~1990 period, with a  substantial increase in the proportion of long-term unemployed.  Total redundancies in the period 1980-91 averaged 21,318 per  annum. Approximately 8-10,000 per annum were due to  "rationalisation" rather than closure. If the level of redundancies  due to rationalisation had been instead spread across the  remaining workforce through re-training and redeployment, a  fair proportion of that total of 100,00~120,000 jobs could have  been retained.  UNEMPLOYMENT, DIGNITY AND CHOICE  For too many people, unemployment means a sentence of  economic death. It is a fact that the longer unemployment lasts,  the harder re-entry to the workforce becomes.  To a considerable extent, the structures and rules relating to  unemployment compound that problem. In particular, the  requirement that unemployment assistance is only payable to  people who are unemployed and available for work, militates  against the chance of unemployed people pursuing a range of  personal goals. This rule has been relaxed to some extent, in  respect of part-time work, voluntary work and some education  courses.  We believe it should be abolished entirely. Anyone who is  unemployed, and who wishes to take up a programme of further  education (at whatever level), or to get involved in voluntary  work in their own community, should be supported, rather than  penalised.  People who opt for this form of activity can be taken off the Live  Register until such time as they wish to re-enter the world of  work.  At present, anyone unemployed must sign on once a week. It is  no longer dear why this is necessary. It represents a  considerable indignity for the unemployed person, and involves  thousands and thousands of staff hours (including thousands of  Garda hours in rural areas) in carrying out a meaningless  exercise. It is completely ineffective against fraud.  The "weekly signing-on" ceremony should be abolished, and  replaced by a system where people sign on at the start of a  period of unemployment, and off at the end. This would free up  thousands of staff hours, which could be used in two ways-  first, to assist in better detection of fraud, and second, to be used  in better services for the unemployed.  In addition, the present requirement whereby any one in receipt  of Supplementary Welfare Allowance must make regular visits  to their local health centre should also be abolished. It is a  demeaning requirement, entirely reminiscent of the work-house,  which serves no purpose other than to make the recipient feel  dependent and under continuous scrutiny by an unfriendly  bureaucracy.  All such payments can be made and processed through the  existing state banking machinery, ultimately using "cashless"  methods of payment.  The key to better services is the concept of the "one-stop shop".  There is no reason why a per son who is dependent on social  welfare should not be able to secure all his or her entitlements,  and be registered for alternative employment possibilities, in ~e  same location.  Putting Justice into the Economy: The Banking System -  Should We Expect More?  Labour proposes a detailed, thorough, independent examination  of banking practice, and of the operations of the financial sector,  in Ireland.  Some years ago, the Commission on Taxation put the subject of  tax on the top of the agenda. There is a case for a similar  Commission on the Financial Sector, which would have as its  starting point the question "what role should the financial sector  play in a developing economy like this?"  For most of us, the financial sector is a closed and mysterious  world. That mystery ought not to be allowed to prevent us from  examining fundamental issues. The kind of issues that need  examination include the extent to which the banks and other  financial institutions are contributing to, or inhibiting, economic  development; the extent to which they are operating free from  any effective regulation; the extent to which practices more  appropriate to cartels or monopolies are allowed to pass for  standard banking practice.  There is, for example, ample evidence to suggest that the banks  operate credit policies which are more suited to their own needs  than to the needs of the wider economy. While no-one would  argue that the banks should engage in imprudent or reckless  speculation, it is not going too far to suggest that in recent years,  Irish economic development, in so far as it is dependent on the  credit policies of banks, has been a victim of poor investment  policies by the banks.  In short, there is evidence to suggest that Irish customers are  paying for poor foreign investments by Irish banks. And one  has to ask-should the Irish economy be put in a secondary  position to adventures that depend on economic growth in  Maryland, New Hampshire, or anywhere else?  For years-all over the world-it has been a truism to say that  when the economy is growing, the banks open up for credit  business-often to such an extent that they contribute to over-  heating in the economy. By the same token, the banks  traditionally begin operating a squeeze on credit when ever the  economy slows down.  And in doing so, the banks are accountable to no one but their  own shareholders. There is no need for them to justify, explain,  or even admit to a credit squeeze, no matter how damaging it is  to any prospects for economic recovery.  There are three basic reasons for this:  • customers have no effective voice;  • there is no effective statutory regulation;  • there is inadequate competition.  Bank customers, whether individual or corporate, are entitled to  legal protection, and to the assurance that in any case where they  feel unfairly or arbitrarily treated, they will have recourse. At pre  sent, the Central Bank will investigate complaints by customers,  but it is a procedure without teeth.  We are proposing the establishment of a statutory basis of  regulation or protection, which would be empowered on an  independent basis to investigate complaints, make  recommendations, and have a range of sanctions at its disposal  to ensure that bank customers are treated fairly and equitably.  A BANKING THIRD FORCE  The issue of competition in banking needs to be addressed.  While it might be hoped that the operation of a more competitive  market on its own will induce a greater awareness of the needs  of customers and the economy as a whole, there is nothing in the  history of the banks' operation to suggest that this is anything  more than idealistic.  That is why the time has come to consider the development of a  third force in banking. The State runs two banks, ICC and  ACC. Part of the mandate of those banks is to contribute to  economic and industrial development.  In addition, the State has considerable influence in the operation  of the Trustee Savings Bank. And the State runs a nation-wide  network of branch offices, all equipped for at least basic banking  purposes, in An Post.  Labour proposes the development of a State banking system,  based on a combination of ACC, ICC, the Trustee Savings  Banks, and An Post, possibly on a joint venture basis with a  major European bank.  Such a bank could initially draw support from the thousands of  transactions, and hundreds of mil lions of pounds, involved in  State business, ranging from Social Welfare payments to  investments by semi-State companies. It would of course have  to operate according to the highest standards of prudential  banking policy, but it would also take a much greater account of  the economy in which it operated.  A State banking system would provide a valuable third source of  savings, credit, and investment. By ensuring more effective  competition, it would transform the banking and financial  services sectors generally. And it is in the banks' own interests  to become more fully involved in the economy in which their  depositors and their borrowers, and indeed their shareholders  live.  At present, of course, the Government is proposing the  privatisation of the existing State banks, ICC and ACC. This is a  silly, short-sighted, and cavalier approach. Labour will continue  to oppose it resolutely.  Putting Justice into Economics: Jobs, Justice, and Imagination  In 1977 the Government introduced a 3% quota for those with a  physical or other disability for employment in the public service.  The idea was a recognition that in the open labour market an  active discrimination in favour of a group which otherwise  would experience massive discrimination was essential.  Unfortunately, this 3% target has been honoured in a largely  token manner.  Only 545 people in 1990 were employed in the Public Services,  which out of a total 179,000 employment was considerably  below 3%.  Unemployment amongst people with disabilities now is  estimated at 80%. The long-term unemployed fall into the same  social category as the disabled in the labour market. They are out  of sight and out of mind.  In practice, the disabilities they suffer from are social-age,  education, sometimes health-related, number of dependants and  lack of a recent employment record.  In any programme targeted at the long-term unemployed, the  Irish Government and society in general should first address the  shameful neglect of the most vulnerable group to  discrimination- those with physical disability or mental  handicap. The 3% quota should be given the place it was  originally accorded and met in earnest.  The Government can give a lead by honouring its own pledge in  the public sector, and serious consideration should be given to  legislation for a quota throughout the economy. At the very  least, this issue should be high on the agenda for any future talks  between Government and the Social Partners.  JOBS THROUGH OVERSEAS DEVELOPMENT AID  Ireland must recognise the growing plight of the 400 million  inhabitants of the continent of Africa who are in danger of  drought, famine and disease while the countries of the North  continue to pros per. There are, of course, many countries of the  Third World outside of Africa who also need key personnel and  aid.  By increasing Ireland's commitment to ODA from the current  shameful level of 0.2% of GNP to 0.7% by the year 1996 we  could provide professional trained personnel free of salary costs  to developing countries for up to 6,000 Irish people.  This would create vacancies for the period these personnel were  employed in the Third World and make a real contribution to the  Third World. We already have agencies in place with the skills  necessary to train and place people in the Third World. All they  lack are the resources.  There are hundreds if not thousands of people willing to  volunteer for this work. Incentives should be put in place to  make it a practical proposition. No-one undertaking service in  the Third World should lose out in the Social Welfare system,  for instance, and there should be a guarantee of further education  for anyone returning home if they want it.  As a first step, the Agency for Personal Service Overseas should  be asked to produce an urgent study on how we could contribute  personnel and expertise if the resources were put in place to do  it. Development in this area could be as readily funded if  individuals and business willing to contribute to recognised  Third World agencies, working in co-operation with the  Government, were able to regard such contributions as tax  deductible.  THE COMBATTING OF CRIME  One of the most worrying features of modern Ireland is the  upsurge in crime. Especially in our cities and towns, there are  increasing fears among old people and people living alone.  Drug-related crime, and crimes involving illegally held weapons,  are a particularly frightening feature.  In addition, there is clear evidence that highly sophisticated  white collar crime is on the increase in Ireland.  Changes in laws and in policing techniques are necessary to  counteract both of these developments. But in the final analysis,  there is only one effective measure to provide the reassurance  that people need in the face of rising crime.  Labour would propose to increase the number of Gardai  progressively over a reasonable period of time, by 2,000,  including the recruitment of a number of professional people to  assist in the fight against fraud and white collar crime generally.  This will be done by a combination of recruitment,  redeployment, and better utilisation of existing resources.  Obviously, serious regard will have to be paid to the public  expenditure implications of this step, and recruitment will be  determined at least to some extent by the availability of  resources.  THE DEVELOPMENT OF AN IRISH FILM INDUSTRY  .  Labour will be publishing a separate policy paper on the  development of an Irish film industry, using grants and tax  incentives.  The employment content in film is very high. But the indirect  benefits that have flown from films like My Left Foot", "The  Field", "The Commitments" and "Hear My Song", in terms of  the promotion of Ireland abroad, are immeasurable.  And the development of a film industry will have enormous  downstream benefits for the arts generally in Ireland. Writers,  actors, musicians, and a whole host of professional people in the  technical aspects of film are already highly respected abroad, and  under-utilised at home.  Putting Justice into Economics: The Food Industry  While a great deal of government time has been taken up with  privatisation legislation, the failure of the government's one real  attempt to actively promote on a selective basis the growth of a  large indigenous manufacturer may have profound implications  for the prospects of the Culliton Report's recommendations in  this regard being implemented by any government in the foresee  able future.  The food industry, and in particular the dairy co-ops, has a long  way to go before it is transformed into businesses of sufficient  scale to compete successfully, and to thrive in Europe.  While the IDA has been engaged in company development  programmes since 1985 with a number of food companies, the  critical issue of reaching the minimum turnover threshold of two  billion pounds to compete in Europe has now been put on the  back burner. While mergers among food co operatives in France  and Holland have prepared them for the Single Market, the Irish  food industry is still not fully ready to exploit the opportunities,  and to build on Ireland's reputation as a "green" producer.  There is a serious danger that the distraction of a great deal of  government energies in privatisation of part or all of the  remaining state assets may see a neglect of the development of  even one large indigenous food company. The Culliton Report's  apparent urging or encouragement for foreign investment in the  food industry would appear to be at best a second best strategy  in addressing this dilemma.  A small number of companies, including Greencore and the  dairy co-ops, now represent the best option as indigenous food  companies with the potential to develop into Irish international  food companies.  What is urgently needed is an integrated development plan which  clearly spells out to the co-ops that state support will be supplied  to encourage support of mergers among them in respect of their  European operations.  Competition policy considerations would restrict their  development if applied in a mechanistic fashion. But the reforms  currently being considered of CAP price supports should if  anything speed up the process.  It is somewhat alarming that the Culliton Report, excellent in so  many other respects, comes to the conclusion of the need for  foreign acquisition of Irish food companies as a means of  securing market outlets for Irish food products.  While employment may to some extent be stabilised in the food  industry, long term export of profits by our food industry would  be a feature of such acquisitions.  Labour believes that one of the first responsibilities of  FORBAIRT should be the drawing up a blueprint for the food  industry in consultation and agreement with the major interests  in the sector.  Putting Justice into Economics: The Tourism Industry  Our tourism industry has a great deal of unrealised potential. It  needs a range of policy measures to remove the barriers to  tourism growth, which include the seasonality factor,  profitability that is too low, and a limited range of tourism  products. In addition, the necessary investment in access  infrastructure remains to be made.  Above all, tourism needs a plan. A National Tourism Plan  should not be handed down from on high. Its development  should include the industry as equal partners, and it should be  addressed as much at motivating the industry as at solving  immediate problems.  Labour proposes the publication of a Green Paper on the  Tourism Industry, leading to wide spread consultation with the  industry prior to the publication of a development plan in the  form of a White Paper.  Morale in the industry is low, as a direct result of Government  policies which have paid lip service to tourism, but haven't  actually been supportive at all. The fragmentation of State  involvement, and the undermining of structures vital to co-  ordinated development, have been features of the last few years.  An industry which contributes 7% of GNP, which provides  thousands of jobs, and which is essential to the balance of  payments, cannot be ignored any longer.  The key components of a National Plan must include the  following ingredients:  • Increased Resources for Marketing, including EC Support;  • Ways of attracting and financing new investment;  • Training;  • Research;  • The need for tax incentives;  • The need to make Irish tourism more affordable to visitors,  particularly in such areas as access and internal travel.  Clearly, capital investment in infrastructure will be required. In  order to encourage more private sector investment, consideration  must be given to the following  • Re-introduction of a modified BES scheme;  • Designation of areas where tourism is of central economic  importance;  • More attractive capital allowances.  Putting Justice into Economics: Housing  Over the last three years the FF/PD Coalition has systematically  cut council house building to an all time low. At precisely the  same time, private house prices have rocketed. It now takes an  annual income of £22,000 a year to afford the average house  price in Ireland, £25,500 per annum to afford the average house  price in Dublin.  This is the AFFORDABILITY TRAP. The gap between council  house building, and affordable private houses, has never been  wider in the recent history of this State.  On average, a mere one thousand council houses per year have  been built at a time when the official waiting list stands in excess  of twenty thousand and the real housing list is closer to thirty  thousand people-and growing rapidly.  Annual Council house building under the FF/PD Coalition is  currently only one fifth of the average annual figure for the last  twenty-five year period. And average private house prices have  risen in the last three years:  From £40,000 in 1987 to £63,000 now in Dublin; From  £37,900 in 1987 to £51,600 now in Ireland as a whole.  New council house building has come to a virtual standstill in all  our major cities. To take just one example out of the many  available, Dublin City has over 4,000 families on the waiting  list. In 1989 the Corporation built a mere six new houses. In  1990 only 35 houses were built. The number increased slightly,  to 95, in 1991, but there have been only 32 completions so far  this year.  Labour demands that at a minimum, new housing starts in the  public sector should be quadrupled immediately, to 4,000 a  year. Over time, the target for house building must be such as to  eliminate waiting lists. It is a scandal and a tragedy that we  should have to start all over again to tackle a housing crisis that  had almost disappeared-but start we must.  With nearly 7,000 council houses without a bath room or indoor  toilet, our local authorities are among the worst landlords in the  country. Many local authorities are renting houses which are  statutorily unfit. They are often rented to elderly tenants and their  very existence in 1992 is a nation al scandal. The FF/PD  Coalition Government has provided a totally inadequate sum to  meet this urgent provision. At the present mean rate of funding,  it will take over thirty years to provide these basic sanitary  facilities.  As a community we cannot ask any council tenant -especially  an elderly tenant-to wait until the year 2020 before he or she  can avail of a simple bathroom and an indoor toilet. Providing  such basic bathroom and toilet facilities is a housing priority for  the Labour Party.  Labour believes that there must be a five to ten year crash  programme to eliminate this scandal.  The main Fianna Fail contribution to council housing was to  build the so-called 'low-cost" houses so favoured by the then  Fianna Fail Ministers. In fact, they built our biggest housing  disaster. Today, thousands of tenants and tenant purchasers are  being asked to pay half the cost of repairing these Fianna Fail  housing mistakes. To them, the "low cost" house is proving a  very expensive mistake.  Thousands of families have been sold council houses with basic  structural faults. They bought their homes in good faith with  hard-earned money, believing them to be structurally sound.  Their houses are now proven to be structurally defective.  Typical faults range from defective chimneys to failure of  structural panels, from failure of waterproof joints to faulty  roofs. Labour in Government stopped the building of '10w  cost" local authority houses. Through design competitions and  the encouragement of improved council house design, Labour  built instead the high quality council houses which highlighted  our 1982-87 term in office.  Labour wants an all-party agreement on a Structural Guarantee  Scheme for all purchased council houses.  Putting Justice into the Economy: Government Structures and  Jobs  The task of putting justice into the economy, which is spelled  out here, must be complemented by a new sense of urgency at  Government level. It is no longer enough for a monthly  Government statement accompanying the Live Register figures,  or for occasional announcements of packages of cosmetic  measures, to substitute for Government action.  Steady progress towards the goals in this document require a  total effort.  We are calling for the creation of a new Department of Enterprise  and Employment. It would have responsibility for all the action  aspects of industrial policy, including planning, the development  of new plans for indigenous industry, energy policy, and for  implementation of the labour market measures outlined here.  The regulatory aspects of business and industry (including the  monitoring of EC funds allocated to industries such as the food  industry), and responsibility for industrial relations and  protective legislation, would also be vested in the Department of  Enterprise and Employment.  In addition, the Department would be charged with the  promotion of consensus in industry (at national level and on the  shop floor), with the development of competition in every sector  of enterprise, and with consumers' rights.  This new Department will be ordered to work closely with the  Departments of Food and Marine, in drawing up the most  comprehensive plan ever seen in Ireland for the development of  our natural resources, underpinned by, and reconciled with, a  total commitment to conservation and the environment. The  potential contribution of the food, fisheries, and energy sectors  has never been fully tapped.  Secondly, we are seeking the creation of a specialist Department  of Trade. The main responsibility of this Department would be  selling Irish goods abroad.  We want a radical new focus. Instead of marketing alone,  structures and incentives need to be put in place to ensure that  there are more Irish salesmen in the field to increase the export  sales of Irish goods in all world markets.  While the promotion and marketing of Irish goods in export  markets has been an appropriate emphasis in Irish trade policy  over the years, there are insufficient numbers of highly-  motivated, language-trained, hands-on salesmen in export  markets selling Irish goods and services. The new focus and  priority of this policy, backed up by top level political support,  must be to overcome this deficiency.  These two new Departments would replace the existing  Departments of Industry and Commerce, Labour, and Energy. A  re-orientation of the structures of Government would give a  much needed impetus and concentration to the task of promoting  and developing the sort of economic drive we need.  The Ministers responsible for those Departments would carry  ultimate accountability for the successful development and  implementation of policy -a situation that is totally lacking  now.  Such a re-orientation would also provide a real focus for  broadening the social partnership model which is now in place.  It is integral to all our proposals that unions, employers,  farmers, women, and the unemployed should have a real say, as  of right, in the future development of the economy, globally and  in the workplace.  Appendix  <<<TABLE HERE>>>  1. The programme involves an increase in Exchequer borrowing  for capital purposes of  £200 million in 1993 (including equity capital for state  enterprises).  2. The EBR will rise to £974 million in 1993 because economic  growth will remain weak due to high interest rates until mid  1993, though will be higher than the 1% projected growth  without any stimulus.  3. A fall in German interest rates of 2% is forecast to take place  in the second half of 1993 (which is a conservative view)  leading to an additional increase in economic growth of 1.25%-  1.5% per annum in each subsequent year.  4. It is assumed that the deflationary budgetary stance in  economies other than Italy and Germany will be reversed in  1994 and that the favourable trading conditions will result in  strong economic growth with lower interest rates.  5. The current budget deficit increases in 1993 because of  existing commitments and higher unemployment arising from  returned emigrants reducing the impact of labour market  measures, and falls in subsequent years to yield a small surplus  in 1996.  6. The recovery in the U.K. economy in 1994 halts the increase  in unemployment and begins to fall in 1995.  7. The EBR falls back to 2.1% of GNP in 1995, which is a  conservative estimate, as the cur rent deficit benefits from a £100  million reduction per annum in 1994 and 1995 from the 2%  reduction in German interest rates.  8. The Debt/GDP ratio as defined in the Maastricht Treaty does  not increase in 1993 and falls in 1994 and 1995.  TRUST INTO POLITICS  Last week we published the first part of our Programme to put  Justice into Economics, and Trust into Politics.  The cost of the various measures proposed here, in the second  part of our Programme, has been provided within the overall  financial parameters we published then.  The principal purpose of this part of the programme is to spell  out a range of measures  aimed at restoring trust to politics. Where it is appropriate, we  have repeated some of the proposals we put forward in the  economic part of our programme.  Trust has been shattered in the last few years in different ways.  The era of scandals has led to a demand for better and more open  Government. The era of broken promises has opened up a  mandate for more honest Government. And the era of run-down  essential services has created a crying need for more effective,  and more socially just, Government.  This document is aimed at addressing those needs. It sets out,  within very tight financial parameters, to redress some at least of  the injustices that have arisen from Government policies in the  last five years. It aims at establishing a framework for  Government and politics that will never betray the trust of the  people.  And it lays out an agenda for radical reform of our laws and  institutions, to develop our commitment to the spirit of  partnership that we believe Ireland wants.  Because of the scarcity of resources, it is not possible for any  responsible Party to lay out a list of financial promises and  commitments. To attempt to do so would not be credible, and  would be irresponsible.  For that reason, we have decided to concentrate most of the  limited resources we have already provided in our budget on two  principal areas, both crying out for trust and justice.  Our priorities are children, and people with a disability. We  intend to spend additional resources on these areas next year,  and we are not apologising to anyone for the commitments we  are making.  The first two sections of this programme set out our proposals in  relation to these two areas of policy.  If trust in politics means anything, it means directing policy  towards those who are most vulnerable. Vulnerable people in  our society have been made victims of policy neglect in the last  few years. We are going to reverse that trend  In relation to the people affected by this programme, both policy  and action is based on a commitment to RIGHTS.  The radical programme of legislative reform that we are  planning, across the whole range of individual rights, is  underpinned by our commitment to equality, and to the dignity  of citizenship.  The full expression of citizenship involves responsibility as well  as rights. We believe that responsibility goes hand in hand with  partnership - and that this is the reason why the politics of  partnership can bring a new energy to our community, and a  new level of trust to our politics.  DICK SPRING  LABOUR LEADER  THE RIGHTS OF PEOPLE  WITH A DISABILITY  It is because we are committed to the right of equal citizenship  that one group of people has been singled out for particular  priority in this programme - people with a disability.  For too long, the issue of disability in Ireland has been seen as  an issue of charity - not of rights. We recognise the disabilities  from which people suffer, and we want to help but we do not  recognise often enough the .abilities that people have, if only the  facilities existed to bring them to full expression.  We want to change the focus, to concentrate on ability, and to  bring citizenship to its full flowering.  People with a disability are equal citizens of Ireland. But the full  expression of that citizenship requires the utilisation of  community resources, and a significant injection of political will.  The neglect of policy in this area has diminished the equal  citizenship of people with a disability. There is now a major  scandal in regard to access to services; quality of services;  facilities and environment; and worthwhile employment  opportunities.  There are reasons for this - and they all have to do with the  choices made by Government. Labour would make different  choices. In a time of scarce resources, Labour believes that the  area of disability must be singled out for special priority.  Mental Handicap  The reasons for the diminution of citizenship for people with a  mental handicap include:  Funding: There is no single identifiable form or source of  funding for services. Many of the agencies in the field, as a  result, have no clear idea of how much they spend on different  aspects of the services they provide, and very little planning is  possible. The capital and current money available is grossly  inadequate.  Staff: staffing requirements have been made subject to the public  service embargoes of the last few years. Nearly every facility in  Ireland is understaffed (more so in Dublin than in other parts of  the country).  Management. There are dozens of different agencies in the field.  Competition is as much a feature of the system as co-operation.  There is waste of resources arising from this, and it is a huge  obstacle to proper planning.  Philosophy: The provision of service is not based on a coherent  philosophy, aimed at drawing out the full potential of the  individual. Some service providers believe sincerely that people  with a mental handicap are incapable of any significant  development; others believe that there is no target they cannot  reach.  Planning: Most of the service agencies are unable to plan beyond  the end of a current year. Many operations are being run on a  very ad hoc basis as a result.  Control: There is no one person or agency with overall control  of, and responsibility for, the provision of a full range of  services for people with a mental handicap. Several Government  Departments are involved and dozens of agencies. The buck  stops nowhere. That is the biggest scandal of all  As a result of all this, there is now a crisis for the 25,000 people  with a mental handicap in Ireland, and for their families. That  crisis may relate to education, training, employment, or  residential care - depending on family and individual  circumstances.  But it is unacceptable in any civilised country that those who are  often unable to argue their own case should be the ones most  victimised.  Labour intends to put a stop to this. Our proposals include:  The provision of £25 million next year (already included in our  budget), to "catch up" on the "Needs and Abilities" Report  prepared by the last Government and effectively shelved.  The enactment of legislation to put the rights of people with a  mental handicap on a statutory basis, together with a means of  redress for people whose rights are ignored.  Measures to ensure that the parents and families of people with a  mental handicap are adequately consulted and involved in the  planning and decision-making processes.  Measures to ensure greater co-operation among the agencies  involved, in such areas, for example, as the assembling of  financial and other information, and in the most rational and  effective use of transport facilities.  Re-classification of special national schools, as junior and senior  schools, to recognise the fact that students attend such schools  up to the age of eighteen years of age. Over time, the equipping  of all such schools to the same standards as all primary and  secondary schools.  The establishment of a vocational training centre for people with  a mental handicap on the campus of one of our Universities.  This will be a pilot project, which will serve two purposes:  First, there is no reason why people with a mental handicap  should not be integrated into the life of a third level educational  establishment. The training that many undergo is itself a form of  third level education, and it should not be carried out in centres  that are isolated from the rest of the world.  Secondly, the range of disciplines available in a University can  only benefit from interaction with people with a mental  handicap. The adaptation of machinery, the design of products,  marketing, engineering - all of these together with a host of  "caring" disciplines, including speech therapy, psychology,  social work, etc - all provide important areas of activity and  interaction. In this sense, the training centre would act as a  research resource as well as a mechanism for further integration.  Physical and Sensory Disability  People with a physical disability have the same talents and  abilities as anyone else - they are equal citizens. They also suffer  from policy neglect. A major programme of improvements is  necessary.  Labour proposes:  A major programme of development of accessible streets and  public buildings: standards would be prepared in relation to such  areas as dropped kerbs, safe crossings, on-street parking  facilities, signage and street furniture.  Access to transport: all future replacement stock in the public  transport fleet to include an emphasis on accessibility; train and  bus stations to be totally accessible. This will involve capital  expenditure over the medium term.  Detailed examination of a scheme to provide an allowance to  people with a disability to employ a personal assistant, in cases  where they require help at home to maintain independence. Such  a scheme could be highly cost-effective, especially when  compared with the cost of hospitalisation.  Employment for People with a Disability  In 1977 the Government introduced a 3% quota for those with a  physical or other disability for employment in the public service.  The idea was a recognition that in the open labour market an  active discrimination in favour of a group which otherwise  would experience massive discrimination was essential.  Unfortunately, this 3% target has been honoured in a largely  token manner. Only 545 people in 1990 were employed in the  Public Services, which out of a total 179,000 employment was  considerably below 3%.  Unemployment amongst people with disabilities now is  estimated at 80%. Government and society in general must first  address the shameful neglect of the most vulnerable group to  discrimination - those with physical disability or mental  handicap. The 3% quota must be given the place it was  originally accorded and met in earnest.  The Government can give a lead by honouring its own pledge in  the public sector, and serious consideration must be given to  legislation for a quota throughout the economy. At the very  least, this issue should be high on the agenda for any future talks  between Government and the Social Partners.  A Minister for the Rights of People with a Disability  The programme that we intend is one that will require total  concentration, and a considerable re-arrangement of resources.  The effective delivery of services will require new structures, a  far greater degree of co-ordination, and strong management.  It will be a fundamental priority for Labour that any new  Government elected in Ireland should designate a Minister with  special and  overall responsibility for the Rights of People with a Disability.  That Minister must be a full member of the Cabinet, and must be  given a budget which is commensurate to the task.  CHILDREN'S ALLOWANCE  A cornerstone of any partnership in Ireland is a new concern for  families and for individuals: a concern that has been  undermined.  Where families are concerned, our policies on Children's  Allowance especially will be geared towards recognising the  strains of nurturing and providing for children. 93% of all  money spent on Child Benefit goes to families with an income of  £25,000 or less. The aim of our policy is to use that money as  wisely as possible, so that it is available to mothers particularly  when they need it most.  Labour has already announced a major plan to use Child Benefit  - or the Children's Allowance, as it is still popularly known - to  remove poverty traps and to assist families.  The Children's Allowance, payable as it is to every family, is  one of the most effective weapons in the fight against poverty. It  has been very badly neglected, and effectively frozen since a  Labour Party Minister increased it by 25% in 1986.  As the first step towards our planned target of £40 per month per  child, we have provided approximately £40 million in our  financial parameters to fund a 25% increase next year.  This will result in an increase of £4.20, to bring the Children's  Allowance to £20 per month per child.  From 1994, we will provide for the introduction of an enhanced  payment for children over 12, as recommended by the Combat  Poverty Agency and the Commission on Social Welfare.  HEALTH & SOCIAL  POLICY  Health and social welfare have been the casualties of the  discredited Thatcherite/ monetarist polices adopted in 1989 by  the Fianna Fail/ Progressive Democrat coalition.  Top rates of income tax have been reduced, on the one hand,  and spending on imported goods and investment of wealth  offshore has increased, on the other. A golden circle has  emerged.  And while this has been happening, health care has become an  increasing feature of the two-tier society, and essential supports  for the poor and disadvantaged have been decimated.  The Fianna Fail/Progressive Democrat record is littered with  broken promises. No-one will now believe either Charlie  McCreevy's last minute conversion to compassion and justice  for those on social welfare, or Dr. John O'Connell's promises  of new hospitals in every marginal constituency.  Labour's priorities in these two key areas are:  To halt the downward trend in social expenditure under the last  government.  To introduce a carefully balanced programme of capital  expenditure in health care and in giving full expression to the  rights of people with a disability.  To continue with the improvements in efficiency in both Health  and Social Welfare pioneered by Labour is successive  governments.  To restore justice, concern and dignity to the way in which the  state treats every member of our society, irrespective of income.  The increases in social welfare and health expenditure must be  undertaken within our general strategy, which accepts the  Maastricht framework, and all of the measures outlined here as  priorities have been included in the Budget published in "Justice  into Economics" last week  It is worth recording several encouraging features about the  financial scene in health and social welfare.  Change in the value of sterling has dramatically reduced the cost  of our drugs bill. Labour will ensure that these benefits are  passed on fully to the General Medical Service, the Health  Boards, the hospital sector and the general public.  The overall impact of the British devaluation will be to reduce  inflation to very low levels.  This will lead to a stabilisation of both health and social welfare  costs below the levels currently being planned for.  Well planned capital expenditure in the health and social welfare  area, as well as providing desperately needed facilities, will also  provide considerable additional employment; so that every  pound spent will have a double effect.  For example, the Tallaght Hospital will provide 1,000 extra jobs  during construction over four to five years with an investment of  £140m.  Increases in social welfare payments are utilised almost entirely  in local expenditure on food, clothing and so on.  This gives added support to the local retail sector, thus  improving general employment and again giving extra effect for  every pound spent.  FF/PD Promises and Reality:  Labour's Policies  The Promise: To reduce hospital waiting lists The Reality: In  1989 there were 22,380 people waiting for essential hospital  treatment. Now there are 36,421 people waiting for essential  hospital treatment. (Source: Department of Health Statistics)  Labour is committed to more emphasis on prevention and  primary care, thus treating illness before it gets to the hospital  stage. Re-opening some of the beds recently closed, as well as  the proposed capital programme, will enable waiting lists to be  reduced.  £20 million has been provided for this next year within our  financial parameters.  The Promise: Fianna Fail promised cash grants to reduce Ear,  Nose and Throat (ENT) surgery waiting lists. The Reality: The  money has been diverted to other areas of health and no  significant progress has been made on ENT lists. (Source:  Leading ENT surgeon quoted in Irish Medical News, November  1992).  Labour, by improving children's hospital care as a priority  throughout the country would ensure speedy treatment for all  major hospitalisation procedures for children, including ENT.  The Promise: to start building the new Tallaght Hospital  (promise given in 1987, 1989, 1991 and 1992). The Reality:  While £11 million has already been spent on site works,  planning etc., no action has yet been taken. The Tallaght  Hospital Board has not met for nine months - and it has only  now been formally notified of the Taoiseach's recent  announcement that work on the hospital will commence!  Labour is committed to providing £20 million in next year's  Public Capital Programme for work to commence.  The Promise: To provide permanently for the maintenance of the  ethos and ethical views of the Adelaide Hospital in the move to  Tallaght. The Reality: Negotiations have not been completed on  this issue. The Hospital Board is deeply worried about lack of  effective action by the government, and the hospital's budget has  been cut drastically.  Labour will fully protect the Protestant ethos of the Adelaide at  every level of the structures for the new Hospital, and the  services to be provided by the Hospital.  Labour, as stated, would have a public timetable for the  implementation of the capital programme in health. We will  complete the rationalisation of the Dublin hospital sector begun  when last in government. We will follow expert views on the  type, size and location of hospital development throughout the  country to ensure a planned and integrated service within easy  reach of every citizen.  The Promise: To resolve the problems in the General Medical  Service. The Reality: Large numbers of General Practitioners are  threatening to resign from the Service on December 8th while the  government has prevaricated, delayed and changed its mind on  the matter.  Labour accepts that the GP service is crucial to the development  of effective primary and community care and to preventing  unnecessary and expensive primary hospital facilities. We would  immediately enter into negotiations with the doctors' unions on  this matter. More resources must be devoted to the development  of efficient group practices and to providing a better funded out-  of-hours service. An Appeals Committee with ICGP and IMO  membership should be established to decide upon disagreements  between GPs and GMS. This Committee should also, as a first  priority, review and re-design all forms issued by the GMS to  GPs and should simplify the system to cut down the inordinate  amount of time now spent by GPs in paperwork rather than  patient care. Necessary changes or adjustments in the tax  structure, to take account of cash flow situations in general  practice, would be examined sympathetically in the context of  overall tax reform as it applies to all the professions and the self-  employed.  Labour will also:  Devote £10 million next year (as per our financial parameters) to  easing the present situation in Health Boards, and to allow them  to concentrate on waiting lists.  Devote additional resources to a meaningful programme of  counselling and care for HIV and AIDS sufferers.  Legislate to allow condoms to be sold in vending machines.  Replace the glossy but superficial Patients Charter with a  properly structured system of patients' rights. We will extend  the remit of the Ombudsman to cover patients' rights, and will  enact legislation to give patients a right to their medical records  in any situation where they have reason to believe they have  been hurt or damaged by medical treatment.  Social Welfare  The Dickensian approach of this Government to the Social  Welfare system has been intensely damaging to the fabric of our  society. It has been based on a blind and callous assumption that  the people of Ireland will tolerate the development of a two-tier  system.  People who are dependent on Social Welfare are not less  deserving members of our society. They have as much right to  human dignity as any other citizen.  Labour Proposes:  To reverse the cuts made by the outgoing Minister within twelve  months.  To insist on a long-term policy commitment to maintaining the  social insurance system.  To ask the Commission on Social Welfare to "re-visit" its  Report, and to advise the Government on all remaining steps to  bring that report into implementation.  To introduce legislation that will prevent future maverick  Ministers of Social Welfare from regulating the conditions under  which poorer people must live by Ministerial Order.  Unemployment, Dignity, & Choice  For too many people, unemployment means a sentence of  economic death. It is a fact that the longer unemployment lasts,  the harder re-entry to the workforce becomes.  To a considerable extent, the structures and rules relating to  unemployment compound that problem. In particular, the  requirement that unemployment assistance is only payable to  people who are unemployed and available for work, militates  against the chance of unemployed people pursuing a range of  personal goals.  This rule has been relaxed to some extent, in respect of  occasional voluntary work and some education courses.  We believe it should be abolished entirely. Anyone who is  unemployed, and who wishes to take up a programme of further  education (at whatever level), or to get involved in voluntary  work in their own community, should be supported, rather than  penalised.  People who opt for this form of activity can be taken off the Live  Register until such time as they wish to re-enter the world of  work.  At present, anyone unemployed must sign on once a week. It is  no longer clear why this is necessary.  It represents a considerable indignity for the unemployed  person, and involves thousands and thousands of staff hours  (including thousands of Garda hours in rural areas) in carrying  out a meaningless exercise. It is completely ineffective against  fraud.  The "weekly signing-on" ceremony should be abolished, and  replaced by a system where people sign on at the start of a  period of unemployment, and off at the end. This would free up  thousands of staff hours, which could be used in two ways first,  to assist in better detection of fraud, and second, to be used in  better services for the unemployed.  In addition, the present requirement whereby anyone in receipt  of Supplementary Welfare Allowance must make regular visits  to their local health centre must also be abolished. It is a  demeaning requirement, entirely reminiscent of the work-house,  which serves no purpose other than to make the recipient feel  dependent and under continuous scrutiny by an unfriendly  bureaucracy.  All such payments can be made and processed through the  existing state banking machinery, ultimately using "cashless"  methods of payment.  The key to better services is the concept of the "one-stop shop".  There is no reason why a person who is dependent on social  welfare should not be able to secure all his or her entitlements,  and be registered for alternative employment possibilities, in the  same location.  EDUCATION  The Green Paper will be withdrawn, and extensively redrafted to  reflect real priorities.  Labour recognises that the resources required for a proper  development of our education services will be very considerable.  But the priorities include the following:  Reduction of class sizes in the primary sector. One thousand  additional primary teachers is needed by 1996 to reduce the  pupil/teacher ratio from 25.1:1 down to 22.5:1.  A further 1,000 teachers is required in the same time scale to  provide remedial teaching for all who require it.  Access to third level education is becoming increasingly vital  (and increasingly unequal). Labour proposes to work towards a  position where the income limit for Higher Education Grants is  based on net income, rather than gross income as at present.  Labour believes that urgent consideration must be given to the  introduction by the end of the decade of a comprehensive system  of pre-school education, with a properly designed curriculum  and trained teachers.  Second-chance education must be adequately resourced and  structured to be available within every community.  The psychological service must be expanded to ensure that every  child with behavioural and learning difficulties has access to  help at the earliest stage. There is a role here for School Welfare  Officers, as indeed there is in the area of more effective  discipline.  Resources must be more effectively targeted at areas of greatest  disadvantage. The education system must be seen in this context  as a weapon in the battle against institutionalised inequality.  Rather than the present over-emphasis on technical education in  the Green Paper, the emphasis must be on developing the whole  person - we need a new emphasis on developing critical and  creative faculties.  Language development must be a greater priority, from an earlier  age.  We need a new and creative emphasis on our own language,  culture, and heritage. Our identity must be proud, confident, and  outward-looking, and our education system has a major role to  play in that.  Control of our education system must include a meaningful role  for parents.  Not enough attention has been paid to the stress involved in  teaching. Job satisfaction must be an issue, to be addressed by  removing rigidities from the system and allowing teachers to  more fully express the wider range of their talents.  We will protect the independence and traditional democratic  decision-making structures of the Universities; preserve the  diversity of the activities of Universities; and reject measures to  centralise power.  PUTTING TRUST INTO  POLITICS  We intend to embark on the most comprehensive and reforming  series of changes in structures and legislation ever seen in this  country. The aim of this programme of reform is two-fold:  First, the securing of a framework for Government and politics  that will never betray the people; and second, the development of  our commitment to the spirit of partnership that we believe  Ireland wants.  This programme of reform is set out below in summary form  under two broad headings: Institutional Reform, and Citizen's  Rights.  Institutional Reform  A. LAW REFORM  All British legislation enacted before independence will be  repealed on a phased basis and replaced with a modern code of  laws. This project will require an increase in funding to the  Attorney General's office.  The putting in place of a broad programme of signature,  ratification and incorporation into Irish law of UN and Council  of Europe Conventions, particularly in the human rights field.  This process will include the incorporation into domestic law of  the European Convention on Human Rights.  B. ELECTORAL REFORM  Constituency commission to be placed on a statutory basis with  a remit extended to local electoral areas and European  constituencies.  Introduction of a requirement of proportionality in drawing up  Euro-constituencies and (within any individual council) local  electoral areas.  Votes for emigrants.  Revision of Electoral Act to ensure full opportunity for electoral  participation by all sectors of society.  C. OIREACHTAS REFORM  Compulsory procedure for declaration of interests.  Establishment of a permanent committee for each Department of  Government with general powers to investigate and report.  Ministers will be required to appear before these committees.  Committee stage of every Bill will be taken in the appropriate  committee.  MEPs to be given a role in Oireachtas committees.  To improve the effectiveness of the Oireachtas as a law-making  body, each member to be assigned one research staff member  and one administrative staff member.  Introduction of a Petition System along the lines of the European  Parliament.  Introduction of question time in the Seanad.  Compulsory disclosure by political parties and candidates of all  financial contributions.  Amendment of Companies Act to require disclosure of corporate  donations to political parties.  The establishment of procedures to enable both the Oireachtas  and Irish citizens, industry, trade unions and interest groups to  have a more meaningful role in the legislative process in the  European Community.  Introduction of strict procedures for the implementation of  community law in Ireland within the appropriate time limits.  Review of Statutory Instruments Act; all Government  regulations to be published promptly and be freely available.  D. LOCAL GOVERNMENT REFORM  Establishment of elected regional authorities and sub-county  structures, to be elected in July 1993.  Acceleration of devolution of functions from central government  in line with the Barrington report.  Legislation to prohibit members of the Oireachtas or MEPs from  membership of local authorities.  The Government's power to postpone local elections should be  removed.  The Government's power to dissolve local authorities should be  subject to approval by both Houses of the Oireachtas.  E. THE COURTS  Full review and reform of the office of Attorney General, to  assess the need for some of his or her functions in the light of  current circumstances and to bring the Attorney General under  the political responsibility of the Government.  Establishment of family courts.  Court of Criminal Appeal to be abolished. Establishment of a  new Court of Appeal with civil and criminal jurisdiction staffed  by full-time judges.  Offences against military law to be tried by ordinary courts.  Courts-martial and Courts-martial Appeals Court to be  abolished.  Expansion of the law reporting system to ensure a fully  comprehensive service.  Independent advisory body for judicial appointments.  Examination of the possibility of televising of courts, public  tribunals, etc.  Extension of civil legal aid to tribunals; such as Social Welfare  Appeals Office and Employment Appeals Tribunal.  Broadening nationwide basis of civil legal aid.  Extending small claim procedure in District Court on a  nationwide basis.  Protection of judicial independence by giving all judges  (including District Court and Special Criminal Court) the same  security of tenure as High Court judges.  Steps to reduce the workload of the Supreme Court including  the appointment of law clerks to the court.  Legislation to ensure that all judges of the Supreme Court  participate in the court when available to do so. Requirement that  judges of the Supreme Court cannot hold other positions.  F. THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM  Labour policy is based on an all-out attack on crime. But we  must also make the system more rational, modern, efficient, and  humane. Changes must include:  Immediate implementation of the Norris judgement.  Introduction of legislation on miscarriages of justice. In addition  to a committee to advise on pardon, the courts will be given  power to quash a conviction following pardon even if all appeal  mechanisms have been used.  A statutory right to compensation for victims of miscarriages of  justice.  Prohibition of conviction on the basis of uncorroborated  confession evidence.  Funding for victim support groups.  Change in extradition procedures to require a prima facie case  before extradition: expand the range of offences for which a  person can be tried in Ireland in respect of crimes committed  abroad; examine expansion of the range of democratic countries  to which persons can be extradited.  Reform of the outdated and inadequate law of "insanity" and  introduction of a new defence of diminished responsibility.  Abolition of the offence of suicide.  General provisions on the confiscation of proceeds of crime.  Legislation on the indexation of fines in line with the law reform  commission report.  Review of legislation on computer misuse.  Abolition of provisions for sentences of penal servitude, hard  labour or corporal punishment. Abolition of the categorisation of  offences as felonies or misdemeanours.  Termination of the state of emergency.  Tightening of the emergency clause in the Constitution to  prevent abuse.  Repeal of all internment legislation.  Review of all other security legislation.  Complete exclusion of evidence in criminal trials obtained in  breach of legal or constitutional rules.  Citizens' Rights  A. PERSONAL RIGHTS  Strengthening powers of Ombudsman; increase in funding to  allow a full nationwide operation; introduction of power to make  binding awards of compensation.  Increase in funding for Garda Siochana Complaints Board.  Introduction of a Privacy Act; extension of Data Protection Act  to cover written records and introduction of controls on  dissemination of personal data; stronger controls including  judicial controls on telephone tapping and bugging devices;  strengthening of protection for the privacy of the dwelling  including prohibition of picketing on residences.  Freedom of information legislation.  Amendment of the Constitution to allow disclosure of cabinet  discussions where the public interest requires it.  Review and expansion of statutory tribunals and appeals  systems. The provision of an independent appeals system for  supplementary welfare allowance along the lines of the Social  Welfare Appeals Office  Crisis in civil legal aid to be alleviated by immediate funding. £7  million has been provided in our Budget for this. Scheme to be  placed on a statutory basis.  Protection of the right of freedom of expression including  review of law on contempt of court, confidentiality, blasphemy,  defamation, the Offences Against the State Act and section 31 of  the Broadcasting Act.  B. WOMEN'S RIGHTS  The continuing programme we intend to pursue will start with  enactment of the Equal Status Bill which we published last year.  Our Equal Status Bill was and remains the most comprehensive  piece of equality legislation ever produced in this country. The  grounds on which the Bill prohibits discrimination across a wide  range of grounds, including sex, marital or parental status,  sexual orientation, religion, age, handicap, race, colour,  nationality, or national or ethnic origins, including membership  of the travelling community.  Secondly, the objective of the Bill is to make discrimination  unlawful not only in the work place, but also in education, in the  provision of goods, facilities, and services (including  recreational facilities, and services, entertainment,  accommodation, transport, and professional services), and in the  disposal of premises.  Apart altogether from the Bill, we will be pursuing, over the  short and longer term, a very ambitious equality programme. It  will include the following specific measures:  Full implementation of The Child Care Act 1991; major  expansion of child care facilities.  Total review of gender equality in education and promotion of  full curriculum choice for all students. In particular all students  should be exposed to education for home management and to  political science studies including human and civic rights and to  comprehensive sex education.  Career guidance programmes to be enhanced to include a  positive programme to encourage women to enter labour markets  dominated by men and to dispel traditional employment  prejudices.  Particular emphasis on adult education to encourage re-entry of  women into the workplace.  Promotion of women's studies in third level education.  Promotion of women in public life by state funding of a  women's officer in all political parties.  A major programme of family law reform, culminating in a  referendum on divorce, modernisation of the law of nullity;  placing a monetary value on women's work in the home for the  purposes of property distribution; extension of barring order  legislation; legislation to give each spouse an equal share in  family assets; increase in the age of marriage to 18; enhancement  of the rights of parties in non-marital relationships.  Extension of maternity leave, paternity leave and adoptive  maternity leave.  Major review and extension of employment equality legislation,  including more effective provisions on sexual harassment.  Incentives for employers to introduce increased flexibility in  hours of employment and to provide childcare facilities in the  workplace.  A radical programme of affirmative action in appointing women  to state boards to replace the current totally inadequate piecemeal  level of appointments, with the objective of reaching a position  of equality.  Introduction of a "gender-proofing" policy for all legislation and  other major government decisions to assess impact on women's  rights and interests. In the legislative process this may be carried  out in particular by the joint Oireachtas Committee on Women's  Rights.  Review of the small number of areas in the public service where  women are excluded from employment, e.g. certain  aspects of defence and justice, to ensure full equality of  opportunity.  A Sports policy to be specifically geared to increasing the fullest  participation of women and to improve the profile of women's  sports.  Review of upper age limits for employment in the public and  private sectors in the context of the return of women to work.  C. HEALTH  Reform of mental health services; updating of the Mental  Treatment Act 1945; introduction of safeguards for persons  involuntarily admitted including judicial protection; prohibition  of applications for involuntary admission by a spouse in defined  situations of marital breakdown.  The Nursing Homes Act to be brought into operation  immediately.  D. LANGUAGE, CULTURE AND HERITAGE  Statutory protection of rights of Irish speakers e.g,. to do  business with public agencies through Irish.  Commitment to Teilifis na Gaeltachta  Increased use of bilingual Bills; publication of legislation and  regulations bilingually to be brought up to date.  E. THE ARTS  Planning of capital expenditure on the arts is currently  inadequate, ad hoc and piecemeal Inadequate co-ordination  exists between capital expenditure (e.g. national lottery) and  arrangements for the current funding of arts projects. The Arts  Council ought to operate on a co-ordinated 3-yearly plan for  funding of the arts.  Current arrangements for timing of funding announcements are  inappropriate for arts events which need to be organised long  ahead of time.  Funding for the Arts Council should be increased to the level  envisaged by the PESP.  Funding of the arts by local authorities ought to be on a planned  basis rather than facilitating a scattergun approach. As with  planning and development, local authorities should be required  to produce a county cultural development plan, to guide planned  priorities for arts funding for a number of years.  The regional authorities envisaged in our local government  reform plan would co-ordinate decisions on major items of  expenditure (e.g., theatres).  An Arts Officer to be put in place in each local authority with  professional arts staff organised in an Arts Department. In  addition each local authority to have a cultural committee.  Arts to be part of overall job creation strategy. The cost to create  a job in the arts is considerably less than in any other sector of  the economy.  Emphasis on improving access to the arts and on the community  arts.  Promotion of artists of exceptional talent, including grants for  foreign study.  Exploitation of all opportunities to obtain European funding for  the arts.  The maintenance and expansion of the current favourable tax  regime for artists.  Changes in planning law to require incorporation of an arts  dimension to defined categories of buildings; in particular those  to which the public have access.  Re-establishment of metropolitan streets commission with remit  extended to all major urban centres. Introduction of strong  controls on shopfronts, streetscapes.  Enhancement of protection for listed buildings including the  placing of the system of listed buildings on a statutory basis.  Radical overhaul of the national monuments legislation including  automatic protection for defined categories of monuments.  A prohibition on the giving of consent to the demolition of  monuments without approval by the Oireachtas in exceptional  circumstances and after a full archaeological excavation.  Full national audit of archaeological sites.  Developments by the Office of Public Works and Government  Departments to be subject to ordinary planning control.  Developments by planning authorities to be subject to a public  notification procedure with an appeal to An Bord Pleanala.  E. THE ENVIRONMENT  Introduction of legislation on waste management. Institution of a  national recycling policy including tax on non recyclable  materials.  Statutory obligation for local authorities to prepare a recycling  plan for their functional area.  Tighter control of land-fill sites to minimise visual impact and  disruption of the locality.  Establishment of environmental information centres/offices in  major locations outside Dublin.  Extension of Dublin smog regulations to other major urban  centres, where necessary.  Strengthening of environmental impact assessment regulations.  Special emphasis on the protection of wildlife and on the  preservation of habitats, including the fullest implementation of  European Community directives.  Legislation to place the scheme of Areas of Scientific Interest on  a statutory basis. Particular protection for peatlands and  wetlands.  Press for the establishment of the European Environmental  Agency headquarters in Ireland.  Reversal of current policy on interpretative centres.  Institution of legal action in the European Court of Justice in  relation to Sellafield.  F. HOUSING  Abolition of ground rents.  Conversion of land registry into a commercial semi-state  enterprise.  Simplification of conveyancing procedures in line with law  reform commission recommendations to reduce costs for home  purchasers.  G. TENANTS' RIGHTS  Immediate extension of minimum standards of accommodation  to cover the entire private rented sector; coupled with thorough  implementation of enforcement powers.  Extension of system of registration of accommodation to cover  the entire private rented sector. Publication of reports on  registration by local authorities.  Extension of the statutory obligation to furnish a rent book. Rent  books to be sufficient evidence of tenancy for supplementary  welfare allowance purposes.  Improvement of security of tenure of residential tenants.  Additional protections for tenants in respect of notices to quit.  Extension of landlord's liability for repairs.  Imposition of criminal liability for improper entry into the  property by a landlord.  H. PRISONERS' RIGHTS  Full implementation of the Whittaker report.  Administration of the prisons to be vested in a Prison Service  Board.  Expansion of alternatives to imprisonment and introduction of a  statutory requirement that prison sentences be imposed only  when necessary.  Review of security regimes in prisons. Prohibition of strip-  searching except in well-defined and special circumstances  Introduction of detailed and humane regulations on living  conditions in line with Whittaker report in order to ensure  rehabilitation.  Placing of long sentence review committee on a statutory basis.  Entitlement to remission to be defined on a statutory basis.  Review of prison disciplinary procedures to ensure proper  safeguards.  Ombusdman to have jurisdiction to hear complaints about the  prison service.  I. EMIGRANTS' WELFARE  Representation of emigrants in at least one House of the  Oireachtas.  Increased funding and development of welfare services in all  major destinations  of Irish emigrants.  Expansion of RTE telephone news services.  J. RIGHTS OF REFUGEES, ASYLUM SEEKERS,  IMMIGRANTS  Current Irish policy towards treatment of refugees, asylum  seekers and immigrants fails to meet minimum standards.  Procedures will be introduced to guarantee rights of hearings,  appeal, access to legal advice and access to the courts.  K CONSUMER POLICY  Further legislation to regulate the financial services sector and  prevent fraud.  Closer regulation of the insurance industry introduction of  regulations on policy forms.  Reform of the law on charities and collections; introduction of a  registration system for charities; re-examination of criteria to  qualify as a charity; requirements for publication of accounts and  public notification of percentages spent on administration.  L. JUSTICE IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS  Accelerated increase of Ireland's ODA contribution to the UN  level of 0.7% of GNP.  Introduction of tax relief for personal and corporate  contributions to charities working in the developing world.